Skip to main content

Full text of "A contribution to the study of Anglo-Norman influence on English place-names"

See other formats 


m 
.1 , . 


A  CONTRIBUTION 

TO  THE  STUDY  OF 

ANGLO-NORMAN  INFLUENCE 

ON 

ENGLISH  PLACE-NAMES 


BY 


R.  E.  ZACHRISSON 


LUND  1909 

FEINTED   BY  HAKAN   OHLSSON 


LUNDS  UNIVERSITETS  ARSSKRIFT.    N.  F.    AFD.  1.    Bd  4.    Nr  3. 


A  CONTRIBUTION 

TO  THE  STUDY  OF 

j 

ANGLO-NORMAN  INFLUENCE 

ON 

ENGLISH  PLACE-NAMES 


BY 


R.  E.  ZACHRISSON     x< 


LUND  1909 

PRINTED    BY   HAKAN    OHLSSON 


Preface. 

The  object  of  this  treatise  is  to  elucidate  some  questions 
concerning  the  influence. which  French  or  rather  Anglo-Norman 

-  the  usual  name  for  the  French  dialect  spoken  in  England  - 
has  exercised  on  English  place-names. 

A  detailed  account  of  the  various  kinds  of  this  influence 
would  fill  the  pages  of  several  volumes.  In  the  present  work  I 
have  only  considered  a  number  of  sound-changes  in  English 
place-names  which  cannot  be  explained  otherwise  than  as  due  to 
Anglo-Norman  influence. 

Here,  again,  I  have  mainly  confined  myself  to  dealing  with 
such  cases  where  the  phonetic  criteria  do  not  admit  of  any  doubt 
as  to  the  cause  of  the  change,  and  where,  moreover,  some  of 
the  forms  due  to  Anglo-Norman  influence  have  remained  to  the 
present  day. 

I  do  not  presume  to  have  definitely  solved  all  the  more  or 
less  intricate  problems  involved  in  these  investigations;  I  hope, 
however,  that  my  work  may  contribute  to  arouse  an  increased 
interest  in  the  (sad  to  say)  much  neglected  study  of  English 
place-names  in  general  and  in  particular  of  French  influence 
upon  them. 

It  is  with  pleasure  that  I  take  this  opportunity  of  expres- 
sing my  sincere  thanks  to  my  teacher  in  English  philology^ 
Professor  Eilert  Ekwall  of  the  University  of  Lund,  who  has  not 


IV 

only  suggested  this  work,  but  has  helped  me  with  much  kind 
advice  and  valuable  information  throughout  the  progress  of  it. 
My  thanks  are  also  due  to  Dr.  G.  E.  Fuhrken  of  Gothenburg, 
who  has  revised  my  treatise  from  the  point  of  view  of  the 
language. 

Karlskrona,  February  1909. 

jR.  E.  Zachrisson. 


Table  of  contents. 

Preface IH 

Table  of  contents V 

Abbreviations. 

Abbreviations    of  works  consulted  in  ascertaining  the  early  forms 

of  place-names VII 

Abbreviations  of  names  of  counties  XII 

Other  abbreviations    XII 

Introduction   1 

I.    Changes  in  English  place-names  due  to  Anglo-Norman 
sound-substitution. 

§  1.     Anglo-Norman  (ts)  is  substituted  for  English  (t/)    18 

Appendix  A.     The  symbols  c  and  ch  in  early  A.N.  and  M.E.  texts  32 
Appendix  B.     The    transition    of   (ts)   to    s   in  O.Fr.     The  date  of 

the  D.B.  MSS 37 

§  2.     Anglo-Norman  (t)  is  substituted  for  English  initial  ({>) 39 

Appendix.     Orthographic  interchange  between  t  and  th  for  etymo- 
logical  (t) 47 

§  3.     Some  difficult  initial  consonant-combinations  are  altered  in  various 

ways  to  suit  Anglo-Norman  pronunciation  (kn>ken,  sl>l  etc.)  49 

§  4.     Anglo-Norman  (dj)  is  substituted  for  English  yiitial  (j)    57 

II.     Changes  in   English   place-names  due  to  Anglo-Norman 
sound-development. 

§5.    s  is  lost  before  c,  p,  t    67 

Appendix.     Some  cases  of  analogical  transformation  on  the  pattern 

of  forms  in  -cester,  -Chester   78 

§  6.     Loss  of  the  interdental  spirant. 

A.  —  F.  In  place-names  containing  O.E.  mupa,  sup,  wippe  etc.  82 

A.N.     (t),    (d)   is  substituted   for  M.E.  final  (p)  and  intervocalic  (d)  95 


VI 

G.  In  place-names  containing  O.E.  cepel  100 

Appendix  A.  Various  ways  of  rendering  (p),  (d)  in  early  English 

and  Anglo-Norman  MSS 115 

Appendix  B.  Orthographic  confusion  between  the  symbols  d  and 

i,  g  in  the  diphthong  ei,  ai  etc 116 

Appendix  C.  Loose  s  between  two  place-name  compounds 118 

§  7.  Change  or  interchange  of  the  liquids  (I,  n,r}. 

A.  Interchange  of  I,  n,  r    120 

B.  Dissimilation  of  n  to  I,  r  by  a  following  m    133 

C.  Dissimilatory  loss  of  r  136 

D.  Interchange  of  -ling,  -ning,  -ring 138 

E.  Interchange  of  unstressed  le  (el),  ne  (en),  re  (er) 141 

§8.     I  before  a  consonant  is  vocalized  or  lost 146 

§  9.     a  before  nasal  groups  becomes  au 153 

§  10.     Change  of  (t/)  to  (/)  156 

Index  to  names 161 

Addenda  et  corrigenda. 


Abbreviations. 

Abbreviations  of  works  consulted  in  ascertaining  the 
early  forms  of  place-names  *. 

A.S.  Chr.  =  Two  of  the  Saxon  Chronicles  parallel,  ed.  C.  Plummer  & 
J.  Earle.  Oxford  1892. 

Anc.  Ch.  =  Ancient  Charters,  royal  and  private  prior  to  1200  (1095 — 
1200),  ed.  J.  H.  Round.  Pipe  Roll  Society.  London  1888. 

Annales  Mon.  =  Annales  monastic!  (mainly  of  13  c.),  ed.  H.  R.  Luard. 
Chronicles  and  Memorials  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  36.  London  1846 — 49. 

Bath  Ch.  =  Two  chartularies  of  the  priory  of  St.  Peter  at  Bath  (most 
of  the  charters  fall  within  the  period  1066—1377),  ed.  W.  Hunt.  Som.  Record 
Soc.  London  1893. 

Benoit  =  Benoit  de  Sainte  Maure,  Chronique  des  dues  de  Normandie, 
ed.  F.  Michel.  Paris  1836—44. 

Birch  =  W.  de  Gray  Birch,  Cartularium  Saxonicum.  London  1885 — 93. 
-  The  figures  refer  to  the  number  of  the  charters. 

Bruton  and  Montacute  Ch.  =  Two  cartularies  of  the  priories  of  Bruton 
and  Montacute  (12  c.— 14  c.).  Som.  Record  Society.  London  1894. 

C.R.  =  Calendar  of  the  Close  Rolls.  -  -  The  earliest  (1204—27)  are 
published  by  the  Record  Commissioners:  Rotuli  litterarum  clausarum,  ed. 
T.  H.  Hardy.  London  1833—44.  The  others  are  being  published  in  the 
Rolls  Series.  London  1892  ff.  They  consist  of  contemporary  enrolments  of 
Royal  Letters  Close.  See  the  C.R.  of  Edward  II.,  1307—13,  Introduction. 


1  Our  statements  as  to  the  date  of  the  MSS.  are  generally  derived 
from  the  Introductions  to  the  various  printed  editions.  We  are  indebted  to 
Mr.  H.  Hall,  F.S.A.,  Master  of  the  Rolls,  for  the  date  of  a  few  important 
MSS.  For  a  detailed  account  of  the  import  and  contents  of  the  various 
records,  see  S.  R.  SOAKGILL-BIED,  A  guide  to  the  various  classes  of 
documents  preserved  in  the  Public  Record  Office  (London  1908),  or  C.  GBOSS, 
Sources  and  Literature  of  English  History.  London  etc.  1900. 


VIII 

Capgrave  =  John  Capgrave,  The  Chronicle  of  England,  ed.  F.  C. 
Hingeston.  Chronicles  and  Memorials  1.  London  1858. 

Cat.  A.D.  =  Descriptive  Catalogue  of  Ancient  Deeds  I— V.  Rolls  Series. 
London  1890  ff. 

Ch.R.  =  A  Calendar  of  the  Charter  Rolls  I,  II.  Rolls  Series.  Lon- 
don 1903,  1906.  --  Vol.  I  contains  charters  of  1226—1257,  vol.  II,  charters 
of  1257—1300. 

Cumbwell  Ch.  =  Charters  of  Cumbwell  priory  (1160—1270).  Kent 
Archseol.  Soc.  Archseologia  Cantiana  V,  VI,  VIII. 

D.B.  =  Domesday  book  seu  Liber  Censualis  Wilhelmi  Primi  regis 
Anglise,  vols.  I,  II  (=  Exchequer  D.B.),  ed.  A.  Farley,  London  1783;  vols.  Ill, 
IV,  ed.  H.  Ellis.  London  1816.  —  Vol.  I  contains  all  the  counties  of  which 
a  survey  was  taken,  with  the  exception  of  Essex,  Norfolk,  and  Suffolk,  con- 
tained in  vol.  II;  vol.  Ill  contains  indices  and  a  general  introduction,  vol.  IV, 
Additamenta:  Exon  Domesday  (=  a  survey  of  the  five  south-western  shires), 
Inquisitio  Eliensis,  Liber  Winton,  Boldon  Book.  Hardy,  Descriptive  Cata- 
logue (London  1865)  II,  pp.  34,  36,  assigns  to  the  Exchequer  and  Exon  MSS. 
so  early  a  date  as  1086.  The  evidence  of  the  language  points,  however,  to 
a  considerably  later  date.  Cf.  below,  p.  37  ff .  and  p.  72  note  *. 

Dv.  D.B.  =  The  Devonshire  Domesday  and  geld  inquest,  extensions, 
translations,  and  indices,  ed.  J.  B.  Rowe.  Devon  Assoc.  for  Advancement  of 
Science.  Plymouth  1884—92. 

Earle  =  J.  Earle,  A  hand-book  to  the  land-charters  and  other  Saxonic 
documents.  Oxford  1888. 

F.A.  =  Inquisitions  and  Assessments  relating  to  Feudal  Aids  etc. 
(1284—1431).  Rolls  Series.  London  1899  ff.  —  Contains  Kirby's  Quest  (1284), 
Nomina  Villarum  (1316),  the  Book  of  Aids  (=  Aid  of  20  Edward  III.  and  3 
Henry  IV.,  MSS.  early  15th  cent.)  the  Subsidy  Rolls  of  6  Henry  VI.  and  9 
Henry  VI.  Four  volumes  have  appeared.  This  work  is  quite  indispensable 
for  an  investigation  into  the  history  of  English  place-names.  Kirby's  Quest 
mainly  exists  in  copies  of  the  15th  and  16th  cent.  Of  the  Nomina  Villarum 
there  are  original  returns  only  for  a  small  number  of  counties.  In  the  In- 
troduction to  the  F.A.,  vol.  I,  p.  VHI,  we  are  expressly  told,  however,  that 
»the  readings  of  the  original  returns  have  been  preferred  to  those  of  the 
books  compiled  from  them>,  and  that  »the  spellings  of  names  have  been 
amended  with  the  assistance  of  contemporary  documents  not  always  those 
from  which  the  books  were  compiled  but  at  any  rate  relating  to  the  same 
transactions.  > 

Facsimile  of  Ch.  =  Facsimiles  of  ancient  charters  in  the  Brit.  Mus., 
ed.  E.  A.  Bond.  London  1873—78. 

Fantosme  =  Chronique  de  Fantosme.  In  vol.  Ill  of  Benoit,  Chronique 
des  dues  de  Normandie,  ed.  F.  Michel. 


1  Dr.  E.  Walberg  of  Lund,  who  has  examined  a  facsimile  of  the 
Exchequer  D.B.,  is  of  opinion  that,  as  far  as  the  handwriting  is  concerned 
this  MS.  may  very  well  be  placed  to  the  middle  of  the  12th  century. 


IX 

Fr.Ch.  =  Calendar  of  documents  preserved  in  France,  illustrative  of  the 
history  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  (918—1206),  ed.  J.  H.  Round.  Rolls 
Series.  London  1899. 

Frideswide  Ch.  =  Chartulary  of  the  monastery  of  St.  Frideswide 
(1004—1537),  ed.  S.  R.  Wigram,  Oxford  Hist.  Soc.  1895—96. 

Gaimar  =  The  A.N.  Chronicle  of  G.  Gaimar,  ed.  T.  Wright.  Lon- 
don 1850. 

Geld.  Inq.  =  The  geld  inquests  of  Np.  and  the  five  south-western 
counties;  printed  in  Feudal  England  by  J.  H.  Round  (London  1892),  and  in 
the  Viet.  Hist,  of  the  respective  counties.  —  They  record  two  assessments  of 
Danegeld  made  between  1066  and  1084. 

Gl.  Recs.  =  Calendar  of  records  of  the  corporation  of  Gloucester  (1155 
—1672),  ed.  W.  H.  Stevenson.  Gloucester  1893. 

Guill.  le  Mar.  =  Histoire  de  Guillaume  le  Marshal,  ed.  P.  Meyer 
Paris  1891—1901. 

H.R.  =  Rotuli  Hundredorum  (i.e.  the  »Hundred  Rolls*),  tempore  Hen.  III. 
et  Edw.  I.  Record  Comm.  London  1812—18.  —  The  Inquisitions  of  1274—75 
and  1279  are  printed  from  contemporary  MSS.,  not  so  the  Inquisition 
of  1255. 

I.C.C.  =  Inquisitio  comitatus  Cantabrigiensis  (MS.  c.  1180),  subjicitur 
Inquisitio  Eliensis,  ed.  N.  E.  S.  A.  Hamilton.  London  1878. 

I(nq.)El.  =  Inquisitio  Eliensis,  see  I.C.C.  —  The  MSS.  of  the  I.E1.  be- 
long to  the  end  of  the  12th  cent. 

I.P.M.  =  Calendar  of  Inquisitions  Post  Mortem.  Rolls  Series.  London 
1898  ff.  —  They  consist  of  contemporary  transcripts  of  the  Inquisitions  taken 
before  the  Es cheaters. 

Index  =  Index  to  the  Charters  and  Rolls  in  the  British  Museum,  ed. 
H.  Ellis  and  F.  B.  Bickley.  London  1900. 

Jesus  Coll.  MS.  =  Jesus  College  (Oxford)  Manuscript  29,  leaf  267; 
printed  in  An  O.E.  Miscellany,  ed.  R.  Morris.  Early  English  Text  Soc.  49. 

Ke.  P.F.  =  Pedes  Finium  for  Kent.  Kent  Archseol.  Soc.  Archseologia 
Cantiana  I— VI,  XI— XX. 

Kemble  =  J.  M.  Kemble,  Codex  diplomaticus  sevi  Saxonici.  London 
1839 — 48.  —  Vol.  VI  contains  an  Index  to  place-names.  The  figures  refer 
to  the  number  of  the  charters. 

La.  P.F.  =  Final  concords  of  the  county  of  Lancaster  (1196—1307),  ed. 
W.  Farrer.  Record  Soc.  for  La.  and  Ch.  London  1899. 

La.  Pi.R.  =  the  Pipe  Rolls  for  Lancashire.  Record  Soc.  for  La.  and  Ch. 

La.  Recs.  =  Lancashire  and  Cheshire  Records,  ed.  W.  Selby.  Record 
Soc.  for  La.  and  Ch.  London  1882—83. 

Langtoft  =  The  Chronicle  of  Pierre  de  Langtoft,  ed.  T.  Wright.  Chron. 
and  Mem.  47.  London  1866—68. 

La3amon  =  La3amon's  Brut,  ed.  F.  Madden.     London  1847. 

Le.  Recs.  =  Records  of  the  borough  of  Leicester,  ed.  M.  Bateson.  Cam- 
bridge 1899. 

Le.S.  =  The  Leicestershire  Survey  1124—29;  printed  in  Feudal  Eng- 
land by  J.  H.  Round. 


Li.S.  =  The  Lincolnshire  Survey,  temp.  Hen.  I.,  ed.  J.  Greenstreet. 
London  1884.  Translation  of  the  same  survey  by  R.  E.  C.  Waters.  Lincoln 
1883.  —  The  MS.  of  the  Li.S.  is  of  the  year  1119  or  somewhat  earlier. 

Mdf.  =  H.  Middendorff,  Altenglisches  Flurnamenbuch.     Halle  1902. 

Mi.  F.F.  =  A  Calendar  of  the  feet  of  fines  for  London  and  Middlesex 
(Richard  I.  —  12  Elizabeth),  ed.  W.  J.  Hardy  &  W.  Page.  London  1896. 

Mon.  Brit.  =  Monumenta  historica  Britannica,  ed.  H.  Petrie  &  J.  Sharpe. 
London  1848. 

Monks  Horton  Ch.  =  Charters  of  Monks  Horton  *priory  (1140—1311), 
«d.  J.  R.  Scott.  Kent  Archseol.  Soc.  Archteologia  Cantiana  X. 

Mousket  =  Chronique  riin^e  par  P.  Mousket,  ed.  Reiffenberg.  Briissel 
1836  ff. 

Muchelney  and  Athelney  Ch.  =  Cartularies  of  the  Abbeys  of  Muchel- 
ney  and  Athelney,  ed.  E.  H.  Bates.  Som.  Rec.  Soc. 

Napier-Stevenson  =  A.  S.  Napier  &  W.  H.  Stevenson,  The  Crawford 
collection  of  early  charters  and  documents.  Oxford  1895. 

Nb.  Pi.R.  =  The  Pipe  Rolls  for  Northumberland  (1273—84),  ed.  W. 
Dickson.  Newcastle  1854—60. 

Nb.  Rolls  =  Three  early  assize  Rolls  for  Northumberland,  ed.  W.  Page. 
Surtees  Society  1891. 

Np.S.  =  The  Northampton  Survey,  Hen.  I. — Hen.  II. ;  printed  in  Viet. 
Hist,  for  Np. 

Nt.  Recs.  =  Records  of  the  borough  of  Nottingham  (1155 — 1625),  ed 
W.  H.  Stevenson.  London  1882-89. 

P.R.  =  Calendar  of  the  Patent  Rolls.  —  The  earliest  (1201—16)  are 
published  by  the  Record  Commissioners:  Rotuli  litterarum  patentium,  ed. 
T.  D.  Hardy.  London  1835.  The  others  are  being  published  in  the  Rolls 
Series.  London  1891  ff.  They  consist  of  contemporary  enrolments  of  Royal 
Letters  Patent.  See  the  P.R.  of  Edward  III.,  1327—30,  Introduction. 

Pi.R.  =  Pipe  Rolls:  Magnum  Rotulum  31  Hen.  I.  (1130—31),  ed.  J. 
Hunter,  1833;  The  Great  Rolls  of  the  Pipe  2,  3,  4  Hen.  II.  (1155—58),  ed. 
J.  Hunter,  1844;  Great  Roll  of  the  Pipe  1  Richard  I.  (1189— 90),  ed.  J.  Hun- 
ter, 1844  etc.  —  Nearly  all  the  Pi.R.  are  printed  from  contemporary  MSS. 

Pontefract  Ch.  =  Chartulary  of  St.  John  of  Pontefract,  ed.  R.  Holmes. 
Yo.  Archseol.  Soc.  Record  Series  XXV.  Leeds  1899. 

R.B.  =  The  Red  Book  of  the  Exchequer,  ed.  H.  Hall.  Chronicles  and 
Memorials  99.  London  1896.  —  The  MSS.  are  of  the  13th  cent,  and  later. 

R.Br.  =  The  Story  of  England  by  Robert  Mannyng  of  Brunne,  ed.  F. 
J.  Furnivall.  Chron.  and  Mem.  87.  London  1887. 

R.G1.  =  The  metrical  Chronicle  of  Rob.  of  Gloucester,  ed.  W.  A.  Wright. 
Chron.  and  Mem.  86.  London  1887. 

Ramsey  Ch.  =  Cartulariurn  monasterii  de  Rameseia,  ed.  W.  H.  Hart 
<fc  P.  A.  Lyons.  Chron.  and  Mem.  79.  London  1884—94. 

Rievaulx  Ch.  =  Cartulariurn  abbathiae  de  Rievalle  (1132—1539),  ed.  J. 
C.  Atkinson.  Surtees  Society,  1889. 

(Roman  de)  Rou  =  Maistre  Wace's  Roman  de  Rou,  ed.  H.  Andresen. 
Heilbronn  1877—79. 


XI 

Searle  =  W.  G.  Searle,  Onomasticon  Anglo-Saxonicum.  Cambrigde  1897  1. 

Selborne  Ch.  =  Calendar  of  charters  and  documents  relating  to  Sel- 
borne  and  its  priory,  ed.  W.  D.  Macray.  Hampshire  Record  Soc.  London 
1891-94. 

Sempringham  Ch.  =  Charters  relating  to  the  priory  of  Sempringham, 
ed.  E.  M.  Poynton.  Genealogist,  new  series  XV,  XVI  etc.  London  1899 — 1900. 

Sf.  P.F.  =  A  Calendar  of  the  Feet  of  Fines  for  Suffolk,  ed.  W.  Eye. 
Ipswich  1900. 

Sf.  S.E.  =  Suffolk  in  1327,  being  a  Subsidy  Return  from  the  Suffolk 
Green  Book,  ed.  S.  H.  A.  H.  Woodbridge  1906. 

Sm.  K.Q.  =  Kirby's  Quest  for  Somerset,  Nomina  Villarum  for  Som. 
etc.,  ed.  F.  H.  Dickinson.  Somerset  Record  Soc.  London  1889. 

Sm.  N.V.  =  Nomina  Villarum  for  Somerset,  see  Sm,  K.Q. 

Sm.  P.F.  =  Pedes  Finium  for  the  county  of  Somerset  (1196— 1346), 
ed.  E.  Green.  Somerset  Record  Soc.  1892—98. 

Sm.  S.R.  =  Subsidy  Rolls  for  Somerset,  see  Sm.  K.Q. 

Ss.  S.R.  —  Subsidy  Rolls  for  the  county  of  Sussex.  Sussex  Archseol. 
Soc.  Collections  II,  X. 

Sweet,  O.E.T,  =  H.  Sweet,  The  Oldest  English  Texts.  Early  English 
Text  Society,  83. 

T.N.  =  Testa  de  Nevill  sive  Liber  Feodorum,  temp.  Hen.  III.  et  Edw.  I. 
Record  Comm.  London  1807.  --  »The  bulk  of  the  material  in  the  printed 
work  belongs  to  the  first  half  of  Henry  III:s  reign  (1216 — 72).  The  compila- 
tion in  its  present  form  may  have  been  made  late  in  the  reign  of  Edward  I.», 
Gross,  The  sources  and  literature  of  Engl.  history,  p.  378. 

Tax.  Eccl.  =  Taxatio  ecclesiastica  Anglise  et  Wallise  auctoritate  Ni- 
colai  IV.  (1291).  Record  Comm.  London  1802. 

Thorpe  =  B.  Thorpe,  Diplomatarium  Anglicum  sevi  Saxonici.  Lon- 
don 1865. 

V.E.  =  Valor  Ecclesiasticus  26  Hen.  VIII.,  ed.  J.  Caley  &  J.  Hunter. 
Record  Comm.  London  1825 — 34. 

Viet.  Hist.  =  Victoria  History  of  j  the  Counties  of  England,  ed.  A. 
Constable  &  Co.  London  1900  ff.  -  -  Contains  excellent  accounts  of  the 
various  D.B.  portions,  with  careful  identifications  of  place-names  etc. 

Wace  —  Roman    de  Brut  par  Wace,  ed.  Le  Roux  de  Lincy.  Rouen  1836. 

Yo.  I.P.M,  =  Yorkshire  Inquisitions  (1241—95),  ed.  W.  Brown.  Yo. 
Archseol.  and  Topogr.  Association.  Record  Series  XII,  XXIII,  1892—98. 

Yo.  K.F.  =  Knights'  Fees  in  the  Survey  of  York  etc.,  ed.  R.  H.  Skaife. 
Surtees  Society,  1867. 

Yo.  K.Q.  ==  Kirby's  Inquest  for  Yo,  see  Yo.  K.F. 

Yo.  N.V.  =  Nomina  Villarum  for  Yo.,  see  Yo.  K.F. 

Yo.  P.F.  =  Pedes  Finium  Ebor,  ed.  W.  Brown.  Surtees  Society,  1897, 
and  Yo.  Archseol.  and  Topogr.  Assoc.  Journal  XI  ff. 

Yo.  S.R.  =  Yorkshire  lay  subsidy  25  Edw.  I.  (1297),  30  Edw.  I.  (1301), 
ed.  W.  Brown.  Yo.  Archaeol.  Society.  Record  Series  XVI,  XXI. 

1  Searle  always  renders  O.E.  J5,  #  by  th,  and  we  have  conformed  to 
this  habit  when  quoting  instances  from  his  Onomasticon. 


XII 


Abbreviations  of  Names  of  Counties. 

Bd.  =  Bedford.  Le.  =  Leicester. 

Be.  =  Berkshire.  Li.  =  Lincoln. 

Bu.  =  Buckingham.  Mi  =  Middlesex. 

Cb.  =  Cambridge.  Mo.  =  Monmouth. 

Ch.  =  Cheshire.  Nb.  =  Northumberland. 

Co.  =  Cornwall.  Nf.  =  Norfolk.   . 

Cu.  =  Cumberland.  Np.  =  Northampton. 

Db.  =  Derby.  Nt.  =  Nottingham. 

Do.  =  Dorset.  Ox.  =  Oxford. 

Du.  =  Durham.  Sf.  =  Suffolk. 

Dv.  =  Devon.  Sh.  =  Shropshire. 

Es.  =  Essex.  Sm.  =  Somerset. 

Gl.  =  Gloucester.  Sr.  =  Surrey. 

Ha.  =  Hampshire.  Ss.  =  Sussex. 

He.  =  Hereford.  St.  =  Stafford. 

Ht.  =  Hertford.  Wa.  =  Warwick. 

Hu.  =  Huntingdon.  Wl.  =  Wiltshire. 

Ke.  =  Kent.  Wo.  =  Worcester. 

La.  =  Lancashire.  Yo.  =  Yorkshire. 


Other  abbreviations. 

a.  =  anno. 

A.N.  =  Anglo-Norman. 

Archiv  =  Archiv  flir  das  Studium  der  neueren  Sprachen. 

Bardsley's  Die.  —  C.  W.  Bardsley,  A  Dictionary  of  English  and  Welsh 
surnames.  London  1901. 

Barth(olomew).  =  J.  G.  Bartholomew,  The  Survey  Gazetter  of  the  Bri- 
tish Isles.  London  1904. 

Behrens  =  D.  Behrens,  Beitrage  zur  Geschichte  der  f ranzOsischen  Sprache 
in  England.  Franzosische  Studien  V,  2. 

Berberich  =  H.  Berberich,  Herbarium  Apuleii.  Anglistische  Forschungen  5. 
Heidelberg  1902. 

Blach,  Paulsschule  =  S.  Blach,  Die  Schriftsprache  in  der  Londoner 
Paulsschule.  Halberstadt  1905. 

Busch  =  E.  Busch,  Laut  und  Formenlehre  der  Anglonormannischen 
Sprache  des  XIV.  Jahrhunderts.  Diss.  Greifswald  1887. 

Btilbring  =  K.  D.  Biilbring,  Altenglisches  Elementarbuch  I.  Heidel- 
berg 1902. 

c.  —  1.  century,  centuries ;  2.  circa,  about. 

Camden  =  W.  Camden,  Britannia,  sec.  ed.  by  E.  Gibson.    London  1722. 

cent.  =  century,  centuries. 

cf.  =  confer,  i.e.  compare. 


XIII 

Dibelius  =  W.  Dibelius,  John  Capgrave  und  die  englische  Schriftsprache 
Anglia  XXIII. 

Diez  =  F.  Diez,  Grammatik  der  romanischen  Sprachen  I.  Vierte  Auflage. 
Bonn  1876. 

Duignan,  St.  Pl.Ns.  =  W.  H.  Duignan,  Notes  on  Staffordshire  Place 
Names.  London  1902. 

Duignan,  Wo.  Pl.Ns.  =  W.  H.  Duignan,  Worcestershire  Place  Names. 
London  1905. 

E.  =  East,  Eastern. 

e.  =  early. 

E.D.D.  =  The  English  Dialect  Dictionary  by  J.  Wright.    Oxford  1896  ff. 

E.D.Gr.  =  The  English  Dialect  Grammar  by  J.  Wright.    Oxford  1905. 

E.E.T.S.  =  Early  English  Text  Society. 

E.E.T.S.  E.S.  =  Early  English  Text  Society.     Extra  Series. 

Ekwall,  Jones's  Phonography  =  E.  Ekwall,  Dr.  J.  Jones's  Practical 
Phonography.  Neudrucke  Friihneuenglischer  Grammatiken  2.  Halle  1907. 

Ellis  =  A.  J.  Ellis,  On  Early  English  Pronunciation  V. 

Engl.  Stud.  =  Englische  Studien. 

Forbiger  =  A.  Forbiger,  Handbuch  der  alten  Geographic.  Hamburg  1877' 

Franzmeyer  =  F.  Franzmeyer,  Studien  iiber  den  Konsonantismus  und 
Vokalismus  der  neuenglischen  Dialekte.  Diss.  Strassburg  1906. 

Germ.  =  Germanic. 

Grammont  =  M.  Gramrnont,  La  dissimilation  consonantique.  Dijon  1895. 

Griming  =  B.  Griming,  Schwund  und  Zusatz  von  Konsonanten  in  den 
neuenglischen  Dialekten.  Diss.  Strassburg  1904. 

Hildebrand  =  F.  Hildebrand,  Uber  das  franzosische  Sprachelement  im 
Liber  Censualis  Wilhelms  I.  von  England.  Zeitschrift  fiir  romanische  Philo- 
logie  VIII. 

Hoevelmann  =  K.  Hoavelmann,  Zum  Konsonantismus  der  altfranzo- 
sischen  Lehnworter  in  der  mittelenglischen  Dichtung  des  14.  und  15.  Jahr- 
hunderts.  Diss.  Kiel  1903. 

Hope  =  R.  C.  Hope,  A  Glossary  of  Dialectal  Place-nomenclature.  Lon- 
don 1883. 

Horn,  Gramm.  =  W.  Horn,  Historische  neuenglische  Grammatik  I. 
Strassburg  1908. 

Horn,  Gutturallaute  =  W.  Horn,  Beitrage  zur  Geschichte  der  englischen 
Gutturallaute.  Berlin  1901. 

Horn,  Untersuchungen  =  W.  Horn,  Untersuchungen  zur  neuenglischen 
Lautgeschichte.  Quellen  und  Forschungen  98.  Strassburg  1905. 

Joret  =  Ch.  Joret,  Des  caracteres  et  de  1'extension  du  Patois  Normand. 
Paris  1888. 

Kluge,  Paul's  Gr.  =  F.  Kluge,  Geschichte  der  englischen  Sprache  in 
Grundriss  der  germanischen  Philologie  herausgeg.  von  H.  Paul.  Zweite 
Auflage.  Strassburg  1899. 

Kceppel,  Spelling.-pron.  =  E.  Kceppel,  Spelling-pronunciations.  Quellen 
und  Forschungen  89.  Strassburg  1901. 


XIV 

Kornmesser  =  E.  Kornmesser,  Die  franzOsischen  Ortsnamen  germanischer 
Abkunft.     Dies.  Strassburg  1888. 

Kruisinga  =  E.  Kruisinga,  A  Grammar  of  the  dialect  of  West  Somerset. 
Bonner  Beitriige  zur  Anglistik  18.     Bonn  1905. 

1.  =  late. 

Lat.  =  Latin. 

Ltbl.  =  Literaturblatt  fur  germanische  und  romanische  Philologie. 

Lucht  —  P.  Lucht,  Lautlehre  der  alteren  La3amorfhandschrift.  Palae- 
stra 49.  Berlin  1905. 

Luhmann  =  A.  Luhmann,  Die  Uberlieferung  von  La3amons  Brut.  Stu- 
dien  zur  englischen  Philologie  herausgeg.  von  Morsbach,  22.  Halle  1906. 

M.Br.  =  Magna  Britannia  by  Th.  Cox.     London  1726—31. 

M.H.G.  =  Middle  High  German. 

MS.,  MSS.  =  Manuscript,  Manuscripts. 

Mackel  =  E.  Mackel,  Die  germanischen  Elemente  in  der  Franzosischen 
und  Provenzalischen  Sprache.  Franzosische  Studien  VI,  1. 

Mdl.  =  Midlands. 

Menger  =  L.  E.  Menger,    The  Anglo-Norman  dialect.     New  York  1904. 

Meyer-Liibke,  Gramm.  =  W.  Meyer- Liibke,  Grammaire  des  Langues 
Romanes  I.  Paris  1890. 

Meynier  =  G.  Meynier,  Les  noms  de  lieu  romans  en  France.  Extraits 
des  Memoires  de  la  societ^  d'emulation  du  Doubs.  Besangon  1901. 

Mod.  =  Modern. 

Mod.  E.  =  Modern  English. 

Morsbach,  Gramm.  =  L.  Morsbach,  Mittelenglische  Grammatik,  Halle  1896. 

Morsbach,  Urkunden  =  L.  Morsbach,  Uber  den  Ursprung  der  neueng- 
lischen  Schriftsprache.  Heilbronn  1888. 

Miiller  =  R.  Miiller,  Uber  die  Namen  der  nordhumbrischen  Liber  Vitse. 
Palaestra  9.  Berlin  1900. 

N.  =  North. 

N.E.  =  New  English. 

N.E.D.  =  A  New  English  Dictionary. 

Neumann  =  G.  Neumann,  Die  Orthographic  der  Paston  Letters  von 
1422 — 61.  Marburger  Studien  zur  Englischen  Philologie  7.  Marburg  1904. 

Nyrop,  Gramm.  =  K.  Nyrop,  Grammaire  Historique  de  la  Langue 
Francaise  J.  Copenhague  1899. 

O.E.  =  Old  English. 

O.F(r).  =  Old  French. 

O.H.G.  =  01d  High  German. 

Pogatscher,  Lehnworte  =  A.  Pogatscher,  Zur  Lautlehre  der  griechischen, 
lateinischen  und  romanischen  Lehnworte  im  Altenglischen.  Quellen  und 
Forschungen  64.  Strassburg  1888. 

Quicherat  =  J.  Quicherat,  De  la  Formation  francaise  des  Anciens  Noms 
de  Lieu.  Paris  1867. 

Rathmann  =  F.  Rathmann,  Die  lautliche  Gestaltung  englischer  Per- 
sonennamen  in  Geffrei  Gaimars  Reimchronik  »L'Estoire  des  Engles*.  Diss 
Kiel  1906. 


XV 

Rippmann  =  W.  Rippmann,  The  Sounds  of  Spoken  English.  Lon- 
don 1906. 

Scand.  =  Scandinavian. 

Schroer,  Regula  =  A.  Schroer,  Die  Winteney-Version  der  Regula  S, 
Benedicti.  Halle  1888. 

Sievers  =  E.  Sievers,  Angelsachsische  Grammatik.  Dritte  Auflage. 
Halle  1898. 

Skeat,  Cb.  Pl.-Ns.  ==  W.  Skeat,  The  Place-Names  of  Cambridgeshire. 
Cambridge  1901. 

Skeat,  Ht.  Pl.-Ns.  =  W.  Skeat,  The  Place-Names  of  Hertfordshire. 
Hertford  1904. 

Stimming  =  A.  Stimming,  .Der  anglonormannische  Boeve  de  Haumtone. 
Bibliotheca  Normannica  VII.  Halle  1899. 

Stolze  =  W.  Stolze,  Zur  Lautlehre  der  altenglischen  Ortsnamen  im 
Domesday-Book.  Berlin  1902. 

Sweet,  H.E.S.  =  H.  Sweet,  History  of  English  Sounds.     Oxford  1888. 

Sweet,  N.E.  Gr.  =  H.  Sweet,  A  New  English  Grammar  I.  Oxford  1892. 

Tanger  =  G.  Tanger,  Englisches  Namen-Lexikon.     Berlin  1888. 

Taylor,  Names  =  I,   Taylor,  Names  and  their  Histories.     London  1898. 

W.  =  West. 

Waltemath  =  W.  Waltemath,  Die  frankischen  Elemente  in  der  fran- 
zosischen  Sprache.  Diss.  Strassbnrg  1885. 

Westphal  =  J.  Westphal,  Englische  Ortsnamen  im  Altfranzosischen. 
Diss.  Strassburg  1891. 

Williams  =  C.  A.  Williams,  Die  franzosischen  Ortsnamen  keltischer 
Abkunft.  Diss.  Strassburg  1891. 


Introduction. 

1.  Method  of  treating  the  subject  of  place-names. 
M.  E.  and  O.  Fr.  sources  of  old  forms  used  for  our  pur- 
poses. —  Obviously  the  only  right  way  to  treat  the  subject  of 
place-names  is,  in  the  first  place,  to  collect  a  sufficient  number 
of  early  spellings;  secondly,  to  establish  the  etymologies  on  the 
evidence  of  the  spellings;  thirdly,  to  ascertain  the  modern  pro- 
nunciation. Owing  to  the  limited  material  upon  which  we  can 
draw,  this  ideal  treatment  of  place-names  cannot  yet  be  fully 
carried  out.  Nevertheless,  by  taking  full  advantage  of  the  ma- 
terial at  our  disposal,  we  have  tried  to  pay  due  regard  to  all 
these  important  points. 

The  most  absurd  mistakes  may  arise  when  attempts  at 
etymologizing  or  explanations  of  modern  pronunciations  are  not 
based  on  the  evidence  of  early  forms.  By  disregarding  this 
canon  some  eminent  scholars  have  more  than  once  arrived  at 
erroneous  conclusions.  In  various  essays  on  English  philology 
(HOLTHAUSEN,  Indogerm.  Forsch.  XV,  p.  275,  E.  RUDOLF,  Die 
engl.  Orthographic,  Diss.  Marburg  1904,  p.  39)  we  are  told  that 
Bristol  <  Bristou  is  due  to  dialectal  addition  of  I,  just  as  Tyn- 
dale  has  rainboll  =  rainbow.  The  addition  presupposes  loss  of 
final  1.  This  loss  is  mainly  confined  to  some  N.  and  Mdl. 
dialects  (Yo.,  La.,  Ch.,  Nb.f  Cu.,  Db.  etc.;  cf.  E.  D.  Gr.  §  255), 
and  does  not  seem  to  have  been  evidenced  until  late  M.E.  or 
early  N.E.  times.  I  in  Bristol  is  different  both  as  to  the  place 
and  the  time  of  its  appearence.  Somerset  does  not  belong  to  the 
dialects  for  which  the  loss  has  been  evidenced,  and  we  have 
found  such  forms  as  Bristollum,  Index,  BristolL  H.R.,  T.N. 

1 


2  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

as  early  as  the  12th  and  13th  centuries  l.  -  -  KOEPPEL,  Spelling- 
pron.,  p.  55,  has  the  following  remark  on  the  English  place-name 
Coventry:  »Afz.  cuvent  >  me.  ktwent,  covent  ne.  heute  noch 
(kevant)  in  den  Ortsnamen  Covent  Garden  etc.  Hingegen  steht 
fiir  den  Stadtenamen  Coventry  neben  der  alten  (u  >  -B)  Lautung 
jetzt  auch  eine  Schriftaussprache  (kov9ntri)».  But  Coventry  has 
nothing  whatever  to  do  with  O.Fr.  cuvent.  The  etymology  is 
O.E.  Cofantreo,  A.S.Chr.  =  »the  cave  tree*  <  O.E.  cofa,  N.E. 
cove.  Consequently,  the  pron.  (kovantri)  represents  the  phonetic 
development.  -  JESPERSEN,  Engl.  Stud.  31,  p.  241,  suggests 
that  Birmingham  might  be  explained  from  Brummagem  with 
insertion  of  n.  LOGEMAN,  Engl.  Stud.  34,  p.  250,  adopts  this 
explanation  without  making  any  restrictions.  BITTER,  Archiv 
CXIII,  p.  34,  is  of  opinion  that  Brummagem  has  been  altered 
to  Birmingham  by  association  with  the  numerous  English  place- 
names  which  contain  -ing.  All  these  theories  are,  however,  flatly 
contradicted  by  the  fact  that,  as  was  correctly  pointed  out  by 
Jespersen,  the  forms  in  -ing  are  by  far  the  oldest:  Bermingeham, 
D.B.,  Burmingham,  T.N.  etc.  Forms  without  n  do  not  appear 
until  the  14th  and  15th  cent.:  Birmycham  (1489),  Brymmycham 
(1519),  Index.  Cf.  also  the  material  given  under  Brummagem. 
in  N.E.D. 

These  and  similar  errors  render  it  necessary  for  us  to  use 
the  current  literature  on  English  place-names  with  the  greatest 
discrimination. 

We  have  endeavoured  to  gather  a  copious  and  trustworthy 
material  of  early  forms.  As  the  French  2  influence,  naturally,  does 
not  commence  until  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  we  have  mainly 
gone  through  charters  and  feudal  records  from  the  12th  to  the 
loth  cent.  England  may  well  be  proud  of  her  long,  almost 
unbroken  series  of  such  records,  which  are  excellent  sources  for 
historical  and  philological  researches. 

Most  of  these  documents  are  written  in  Latin,  it  being  a 
well-known  fact  that  literary  monuments  in  English  are  of  very 


1  To  account  for  the  form  Bristol  I  have  formed  a  theory  of  my  own,, 
which  I  hope  soon  to  publish  in  one  of  thie  philological  periodicals. 

1  For  the  sake  of  convenience  the  term  French  is  often  used  through- 
out this  work  in  the  sense  of  Norman  or  Anglo-Norman.  When  no  other- 
wise stated,  0.  Fr.  implies  both  Continental  French  and  Anglo-Norman. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  3 

rare  occurrence  even  as  late  as  the  beginning  of  the  13th  c.  A 
comparison  indicates,  however,  that  the  forms  of  a  certain  place- 
name  are,  on  the  whole,  the  same  in  a  Latin  record  as  in  an 
English  one  of  the  same  date,  and,  consequently,  the  forms  in 
Latin  documents  are  to  be  considered  as  reliable  material  for 
philological  investigations.  Such  cases  of  Latinizing  as  occur,  are 
generally  confined  to  the  addition  of  a  Latin  ending,  -a,  ~ia, 
-urn,  e.g.  Cestria,  Index  =  Chester,  Wika,  T.N.  =  Wyke  Regis 
(Do.),  Bristollum,  Index,  Bristola,  V.E.  =  Bristol  etc.  It  is 
even  a  characteristical  feature  of  the  Exon  D.B.  that  almost 
all  place-names  there  exhibit  the  Latin  ending  -a.  More  seldom 
we  meet  with  translations,  like  Album  Monasterium  (1244),  Index 
=  Whitchurch  (Sh.),  Villa  S.  Botulphi,  Index  =  Boston  (Li.),  Nova 
terra  (1275),  Subs.  Roll  =  Newland  (Wo.),  Novus  lurgus,  New- 
borough  (1356)  =  Nobury  (Wo.);  cf.  Duignan,  Wo.  Pl.Ns.,  p.  115, 
p.  116. 

Numerous  forms  of  interest  have  also  been  noted  from 
M.E.  chronicles  and  other  purely  English  works.  We  have 
moreover  gone  through  the  most  important  O.Fr.  and  A.N. 
chronicles  in  which  English  place-names  occur.  Such  purely 
French  forms  are  generally  not  given  in  the  lists  preceding  the 
various  paragraphs.  We  have  thought  it  a  better  plan  to  give 
them  in  the  text  itself,  with  a  view  to  proving  that  some  changes 
in  which  they  also  have  participated,  are  really  due  to  French 
influence.  On  the  other  hand  forms  from  the  interesting  collec- 
tion, Documents  preserved  in  France  =  Fr.Ch.,  are  always  given 
in  the  lists.  In  this  place  we  will  once  for  all  draw  atten- 
tion to  the  importance  of  the  various  spellings  found  there. 
Nearly  all  the  changes  which  we  have  ascribed  to  French  in- 
fluence, occur  also  here,  a  fact  which  seems  eminently  to  corro- 
borate our  conclusions. 

Most  of  the  works  we  have  consulted,  are  to  be  found  in 
the  three  well-known  series:  (1)  Calendars  of  State  Papers,  (2) 
Eerum  Britannicarum  medii  cevi  scriptores  or  Chronicles  and 
Memorials  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  (3)  Publications  of  the 
Record  Commissioners. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  we",  have  nothing  in  Eng- 
lish corresponding  to  the  excellent  series  of  French  Topographical 
Dictionaries,  where  early  forms  are  recorded  of  most  place-names 


4  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

in  a  certain  district.  The  only  works  we  know  of  containing  a 
fairly  large  collection  of  early  spellings  from  various  times  and 
for  various  counties,  are  the  Index  and  the  Feudal  Aids.  It  has, 
indeed,  been  a  toilsome  and  laborious  task  to  go  through  scores 
of  books  merely  to  ascertain  a  sufficient  number  of  early  forms 
for  the  places  of  one  single  county.  Nearly  all  the  works  we 
have  used,  however,  are  provided  with  indices  to  the  place- 
names,  arranged  alphabetically  or  according  to  counties.  In 
some  instances  only  the  old  forms  are  given,  but  in  the  majority 
of  cases  they  are  identified  with,  their  modern  equivalents.  When 
this  has  not  been  the  case  we  have  spared  no  pains  to  supply 
the  identification  ourselves;  moreover,  in  most  dubious  cases  old 
identifications  have  been  verified.  For  such  purposes  the  Feudal 
Aids  and  some  old  geographical  works,  like  CAMDEN'S  Britannia, 
sec.  ed.  E.  GIBSON,  1722,  and  THOMAS  Cox's  Magna  Britannia, 
c.  1750,  in  which  the  old  division  in  hundreds  is  still  kept,  have 
proved  very  useful.  KELLY'S  Directories,  where  the  place-names 
of  all  countries  are  given  alphabetically  in  their  modern  forms, 
have  also  been  of  great  help  to  us. 

As  a  rule  it  has  not  been  considered  necessary  to  note 
forms  later  than  the  15th  cent.  The  few  changes  which  may 
appear  in  the  spellings  of  place-names  after  that  time,  can  hardly 
be  put  down  to  French  influence.  On  the  other  hand,  as  this 
influence  is  particularly  strong  in  the  12th  cent,  and  the  begin- 
ning of  the  13th  when  contemporary  records  are  comparatively 
scarce,  we  have  tried  to  bridge  the  gulf  by  using  as  many 
printed  sources  as  possible  from  that  period.  Thus  numerous 
charters,  most  of  which  have  been  published  separately  by 
learned  Societies,  have  been  consulted. 

The  modern  forms  are  generally  taken  from  the  Survey 
Gazetteer,  ed.  J.  G.  BARTHOLOMEW,  1904  (=  Barth.)  A  number 
of  small  places  which  are  not  given  in  Barth.,  wo  have  quoted 
from  Kelly  or  the  Index. 

2.  Etymologies.  O.E.  sources.  —  To  give  full  ety- 
mologies of  all  the  place-names  we  have  to  deal  with,  would  not 
accord  with  the  general  plan  of  our  treatise.  We  have  often  only 
to  ascertain  that  owing  to  A.N.  influence  a  sound  or  sound- 
group  has  been  changed  in  a  certain  direction.  Hence  it  will 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  5 

sometimes  suffice  to  adduce  the  modern  form  and  a  few  M.E. 
references  exhibiting  the  regular  development.  Nevertheless,  as 
it  is  always  desirable  and  sometimes  necessary  to  establish  the 
O.E.  ground-forms,  we  have  consulted  for  this  purpose  several 
collections  of  O.E.  charters  and  similar  documents  in  which 
place-names  abundantly  occur.  Here  the  identification  offers 
the  greatest  difficulties.  Out  of  many  hundreds  of  O.E,  place- 
names  only  a  small  number  have  been  identified,  and  the  identi- 
fications are  not  always  correct.  When  it  has  been  impossible  to 
find  any  references  to  the  O.E.  ground-form,  we  have  often 
tried  to  establish  the  etymology  on  the  evidence  of  our  earliest 
and  most  trustworthy  M.E.  forms,  mainly  with  the  aid  of 
SEARLE'S  Onomasticon  and  MIDDENDORFF'S  Flurnamenbuch.  O.E. 
words  which  have  not  found  a  place  there,  are  quoted  from  the 
Anglo-Saxon  Dictionaries  of  SWEET  and  Bos  WORTH-TOLLER. 

3.  Pronunciation  of  place-names.  Influence  of  the 
spelling.  —  As  to  the  modern  pronunciation  of  English  place- 
names  there  is  often  a  marked  difference  between  the  pron.  of 
natives  and  that  of  persons  unacquainted  with  the  place.  The 
former  mostly  reflects  the  phonetic  development,  the  latter  is 
often  altogether  dependent  on  the  spelling.  It  is  obvious  that 
spelling-pronunciation  must  be  very  usual  ia  a  language  like 
English,  which  is  composed  of  so  many  heterogeneous  elements 
and  so  conservative  in  its  orthography,  that  in  spite  of  the  most 
thorough-going  phonetic  changes  the  modern  spelling  in  many 
respects  is  still  the  same  as  in  Chaucer's  time.  Cf.  on  this 
question  E.  KOEPPEL,  Spelling-pronunciations. 

Naturally  the  names  of  large  and  well-known  places  are 
pronounced  in  about  the  same  way  by  all  Englishmen,  but  where 
small  places  are  concerned,  which  are  hardly  known  outside  the 
parish  or  the  county,  there  often  exists  by  the  side  of  the  local 
phonetic  pronunciation  an  artificial  one  due  to  the  spelling. 

Indeed,  the  spelling  plays  a  very  important  part  in  the 
history  of  place-names.  Various  forms  which  at  the  first  glance 
might  be  taken  to  represent  a  sound-change,  are  merely  due  to 
careless  orthography.  The  scribes  who  had  to  copy  various 
deeds,  did  not  always  acquit  themselves  of  their  task  in  the 
most  conscientious  way.  Nothing  is  less  consistent  than  early 


6  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

M.E.  or  early  A.N.  orthography.  Various  symbols  were  used  to 
denote  the  same  sound,  some  of  them  representing  the  historical 
spelling,  others  being  attempts  to  render  new  sounds  phoneti- 
cally. When  owing  to  continual  development  within  the  respec- 
tive dialects  two  letters  which  originally  had  distinct  values, 
came  to  denote  the  same  sound,  one  was  frequently  put  for  the 
other,  and  this  use  might  be  extended  even  to  positions  where 
the  old  values  were  still  kept. 

To  make  things  worse,  some  letters  were  often  confused, 
partly  owing  to  outward  resemblance,  partly  from  reasons  which 
have  not  as  yet  been  cleared  up.  Some  of  these  confusions  are 
really  astonishing.  A  place  in  Devon  called  Instow,  Innestow, 
F.A.,  is  mentioned  in  both  our  D.B.  Mss.  as  Johannesto,  -stou. 
Ins-  or  bines-  of  the  original  has  evidently  been  taken  for  a  shor- 
tening of  Johannes. 

Such  erroneous  forms  due  to  false  orthographical  represen- 
tation are  sometimes  adopted  into  the  spoken  language,  and  fre- 
quently used  by  the  side  of  the  original  ones.  Thus  Thystleworth 
(1428),  Index,  Thistleworth,  Camden,  I  p.  368,  seems  to  have 
been  a  usual  variant  of  Isleworth  (Mi.)  <  Gistelesworde,  D.B.  Here 
th  is  obviously  due  to  confusion  between  f,  th  and  3,  y.  Such 
forms  may  even  ultimately  supplant  the  etymological  ones.  It  is 
very  likely  that  Jesrnond  (Nb.)  has  originated  from  Jesmonth, 
*  Jesmonde,  n  being  an  error  for  u.  Cf.  §  4. 

It  has  been  pointed  out  quite  correctly  that  in  the  majority 
of  cases  spelling-pronunciations  have  not  originated  until  com- 
paratively late  times  when  books  and  the  reading  of  books  were 
coming  into  more  general  use.  In  our  opinion  the  English  place- 
names  must  to  a  certain  extent  be  considered  as  exceptions  to 
this  rule.  We  must  keep  in  mind  that  a  great  number  of  the 
early  documents  in  which  these  place-names  occur,  were  drawn 
up  or  copied  by  Normans,  who  often  may  have  had  a  very 
imperfect  knowledge  of  the  English  language.  Under  such  cir- 
cumstances the  written  forms  may,  particularly  in  the  case  of 
small  places,  have  been  invested  with  more  importance  than 
those  used  by  a  small  number  of  people  living  in  the  place 
itself.  To  support  this  opinion  of  ours  we  will  adduce  some  in- 
stances where  f orms  due  to  false  orthography  seem  to  have  been 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  7 

in  frequent  use  at  a  comparatively  early  date.  .  Nearly  all  the 
old  spellings  of  Dyseworth  (Le.),  Dichesword  (12  c.),  Le.  S.,  Dicheswrth, 
Ch.R.II,  Dychesworth,  H.K.,  T.N.,  point  to  O.E.  die  as  the 
ground-form.  Such  early  forms  as  Digacteswrff,  Digtfeswrthia 
(1180),  DyMswort.il  (1246),  Index,  Divvort  (with  loss  of  J5),  D.B., 
render  it  very  probable,  however,  that  ch  is  due  to  confusion 
between  ch  and  th.  The  modern  form  may  be  accounted  for 
both  ways.  Of  particular  interest  is  Sawbridgeworth  (Cb.), 

Sabrixteworde,  D.B.,  Sabrihteswrthe  (1166),  R.B.  <  O.E.  SceberU, 
Searle.  Cf.  SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns.  of  Ht.,  p.  57.  We  account  for  the  mo- 
dem form  in  the  following  way:  t  being  lost  before  s  gives 
origin  to  such  forms  as  Sabrycheswrfh,  H.R.,  Sdbrichesworth,  Cat. 
A.D;  ch,  originally  a  spelling  for  the  palatal  spirant  in  O.E. 
beorht,  is  now  taken  to  denote  (t/),  and  Sdbriche-  is  changed 
into  Sabrige-  owing  to  weak  stress.  Hence  Sabrigeworth  (1428), 
F.A.  The  phonetic  development  is  reflected  by  the  local  pronun- 
ciation (ssepso).  Some  more  instances  are  noted  under  §  10, 
where  the  alternative  spellings  of  etymological  -ic,  -isc  are  discussed. 

Only  a  thorough  detailed  investigation  will  enable  us  to 
realize  what  a  vast  and  important  part  spelling  has  played  in 
the  history  of  English  place-names. 

Useful  references  to  works  in  which  confusion  of  letters 
and  similar  phenomena  have  been  considered,  are  given  by 
MORSBACH,  Mittelengl.  Gramm.,  p.  28.  In  addition  the  following 
may  be  mentioned:  BERBERICH,  Das  Herbarium  Apuleii  (Ang- 
listische  Forschungen,  5),  p.  7  ff.,  LUHMANN,  La3amons  Brut 
(Studien  zur  Engl.  Phil,  herausg.  v.  MORSBACH,  XXII),  p.  42  ff., 
KELLER,  Angelsachsische  Palaographie  (Palaestra  XLIII  1,  2); 
cf.  SCHROER,  Anglia,  Beiblatt  XVIII,  p.  96  f. 

So  very  little  being  known  about  early  M.E.  spelling,  we 
have  often  had  to  make  rather  long  digressions  in  order  to 
establish  what  value  is  to  be  assigned  to  the  various  orthogra- 
phical symbols.  It  has  often  been  difficult  to  find  a  suitable 
place  for  such  discussions  of  spellings.  We  have  tried  to  relegate 
them  to  foot-notes  or  to  appendices  after  the  paragraphs  con- 
cerned. 

It  is  a  great  drawback  that  we  have  no  satisfactory  pro- 
nouncing-dictionary of  English  place-names.  For  want  of  better 
we  have  used:  TANGER,  Englisches  Namen-Lexikon,  RIPPMANN, 


8  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

The  Sounds  of  Spoken  English,  p.  111—119,  HOPE,  A  Glossary 
of  dialectal  place-nomenclature  (the  absence  of  a  phonetic  nota- 
tion considerably  lessens  the  value  of  this  book).  A  few  local 
pronunciations  are  also  given  by  A.  J.  ELLIS  in  vol.  V  of  Early 
English  Pronunciation. 

The  system  of  phonetic  notation  we  have  used  is,  on  the 
whole,  the  same  as  that  in  SWEET'S  A  Primer  of  .Spoken  English 
(Oxford  1900).  The  only  alterations  we  have  made  is  that  the 
symbol  (B)  has  been  adopted  for  the  sound  in  bwt,  the  symbols 
(o)  and  (oo),  respectively,  for  the  short  and  long  sounds  in  not 
and  all.  The  palatal  or  guttural  spirant  in  O.E.  cniht,  brohte 
has  been  transcribed  with  (/).  All  phonetic  notations  are  placed 
between  round  brackets.  Only  a  few  transcriptions  borrowed 
from  Ellis'  phonetic  alphabet  have  been  placed  inside  square 
brackets. 

4.  Influence  of  the  dialects.  —  There  is  one  more 
question  of  the  greatest  importance  for  place-name  study,  viz. 
the  influence  of  the  dialects.  Here  many  sound-changes  have 
taken  place  which  have  no  correspondence  whatever  in  literary 
English,  and  such  changes  may  also  appear  in  the  names  of 
places.  In  treating  this  subject  one  of  our  greatest  difficulties 
has  been  to  distinguish  properly  between  the  changes  which  are 
due  to  French  influence,  and  those  which  have  originated  through 
dialectal  sound-development.  Sometimes  the  chronology  may 
serve  as  a  criterion.  If  a  certain  phenomenon  nowadays  com- 
mon to  various  dialects  but  not  evidenced  in  e.M.E.,  appears  in 
the  place-names  of  Anglo-Latin  records  of  the  12th  and  13th 
cent.,  we  seem  justified  in  pointing  to  French  influence,  suppo- 
sing the  changes  in  question  admit  of  such  an  explanation.  — 
Another  criterion  is  the  geographical  distribution  of  the  forms. 
Thus,  if  certain  peculiarities  confined  to  a  few  English  dialects 
have  been  noted  by  us  in  the  names  of  places  situated  in  the 
most  different  parts  of  England,  French  influence  would  seem 
admissible. 

More  than  once  we  have  had  to  enter  into  a  rather  de- 
tailed discussion  of  these  questions.  Besides  numerous  M.E.  texts 
quoted  separately  we  have  used  for  this  purpose  works  oa  e.N.E. 
and  Mod.  E.  dialects  by  ELLIS,  WEIGHT,  HORN,  KEUISINGA,  FEANZ- 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  9 

MEYER,  GRUNING  etc.     Of.  the  list  of  grammars  and   philological 
works  quoted  in  this  treatise. 

5.  Works  bearing  on  the  English  place-name  study 
in  general.  -  •  The  best  known  English  works  of  this  kind  are: 
EDMUNDS'    Traces    of    history    in  the  names  of  places,  TAYLOR'S 
Words    and  Places,  and  Names  and  their  histories.    These  books 
are  useful  on  account  of  the  old  forms  there  recorded.     From  a 
philological    point   of  view  Edmunds'   work  is  antiquated  and  of 
no    value.     Taylor    is    more    conscientious,  though  also  here  too 
many    hap-hazard    etymologies    and    uncritical,    often  erroneous 
remarks  are  to  be  found. 

Monographies  exist  only  for  a  few  counties.  Among  these 
we  have  to  note  in  the  first  place  three  works  by  Prof.  SKEAT 
(The  Place-Names  of  Cb.,  Ht.,  and  Bd.),  which  may  well  be 
said  to  form  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  English  place-name 
study.  DUJGNAN'S  Notes  on  Staff.  Place  Names,  and  Wore. 
Place  Names  offer  excellent  collections  of  early  forms,  though  we 
have  some  doubt  as  to  the  correctness  of  several  etymologies 
given  there.  A  work  by  STREATFEILD  called  Line,  and  the  Danes 
is  to  be  used  with  great  caution  for  philological  purposes. 

To  some  extent  we  have  availed  ourselves  of  the  material 
brought  together  in  the  books  referred  to  above.  So  far  as  we 
have  been  able  to  ascertain,  it  has  proved  quite  trustworthy. 

6.  Works   bearing  on  the  subject  of  A.N.  influence 
on  English  place-names.  -  -  Hitherto  the  influence  which  A.N. 
may  have  exercised  on  English  place-names,  has  not  been  made 
the  subject  of  any  serious  philological  investigations.    Only  some 
special    question    in   connection  with  it  has  occasionally  received 
some  attention.    Editors  of  several  early  records  containing  place- 
names  may  have  pointed  out  some  » curiously  corrupted  forms», 
but  it  has  not  occurred  to  many  that  this  corruption  may  reflect 
an    A.N.    adaptation,  may  be  an  attempt  to  express  phonetically 
the  various  changes  which  many  English  place-names  necessarily 
underwent  in  the  speech  of  the  Normans. 

In  his  above-mentioned  works  on  place-names  Prof.  Skeat 
has  paid  due  regard  to  the  possibility  of  French  influence.  In 
our  opinion  he  considerably  overestimates  this  influence,  and 


10  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

above  all  does  not  seem  to  make  any  clear  distinction  between 
the  changes  which  are  due  to  dialectal  sound-development,  and 
those  caused  by  French  influence. 

The  English  place-names  in  D.B.  have  been  made  the 
subject  of  a  special  investigation  by  STOLZE,  Zur  Lautlehre  der 
altengl.  Ortsn.  im  D.B.  This  in  many  respects  very  meritorious 
work  reveals  a  considerable  defect.  The  authgr  has  evidently 
not  had  recourse  to  the  modern  D.B.  literature,  and,  consequently, 
the  identifications  are  not  always  correct.  Sometimes  two  forms 
are  pointed  to  as  alternative  spellings,  whereas,  in  reality,  they 
stand  for  two  distinct  places.  Here  is  a  typical  instance  to 
illustrate  these  deficiencies.  On  page  32,  Anm.,  the  following  forms 
are  adduced  to  serve  as  a  proof  that  French  is  was  substituted 
for  English  Jcs:  Aisse,  Aisselie,  -ford,  -minstre,  Esseminstre  (Dv.); 
Aissa,  Aixa,  Aissebrige,  -Jord,  -cote,  Aisecome  (Sm.).  None  of  all 
these  examples  are  conclusive.  They  are  stated  to  be  derived 
from  O.E.  Exan-,  Exe-,  Ax-,  but,  in  reality,  Aisse,  Aisselie,  -ford 
(Dv.)  correspond  to  the  present  places  Ash,  Ashley,  Ashford; 
Aissa ,  Aixa,  Aissecote,  Aisecome  (Sm.)  to  Ash,  Ashcombe,  and  Ashcot 
all  of  them  <  O.E.  cesc,  Mdf.,  p.  9.  Only  Aisse-,  Esseminstre,  and 
Aisseford  are  really  due  to  O.E.  Exe-.  As  the  spellings  ai,  ei 
often  indicate  e  in  D.B.,  we  are,  however,  only  justified  to  con- 
clude that  Norman  s  was  substituted  for  English  Jcs.  Cf.  Essesse 
(=  Essex):  cesse,  G.  le  Mar.,  v.  19007,  Ozenefort  (<  O.E.  Oxena- 
ford),  Wace,  v.  12376.  Other  similar  mistakes  will  be  pointed 
out  further  on.  We  may  add  that  such  minor  shortcomings  do 
not  essentially  lessen  the  value  of  the  book,  as  in  most  instances 
at  least  some  of  the  numerous  instances  brought  together  to 
exemplify  various  phonetic  phenomena  are  quite  to  the  point. 

The  purely  French  word-material  in  D.B.  has  been  treated 
by  HILDEBRAND  in  Zeitschrift  fur  Rom.  Phil,  VIII. 

We  only  know  of  two  more  special  investigations  which 
have  some  bearing  on  our  subject,  viz.  RATHMANN,  Englische 
Personennamen  in  Gaimar,  and  WESTPHAL,  Englische  Ortsn.  im 
Altfranz.  To  the  latter  work  there  is  appended  a  useful,  though 
by  no  means  exhaustive,  list  of  English  place-names  from  various 
O.  Fr.  sources. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  11 

7.  Origin  and  various  kinds  of  the  A.N.  influence  in 
question  1.  •  Immediately  after  the  Conquest  a  great  number 
of  Frenchmen  settled  in  England,  and  for  more  than  200  years 
there  was  a  steady  immigration  of  fresh  crowds  attracted  by 
prospective  advantages.  Most  secular  posts  of  any  importance 
were  bestowed  by  William  and  his  immediate  successors  on 
Frenchmen,  and  the  whole  clergy,  of  higher  and  lower  rank 
mainly  consisted  of  Frenchmen.  Merchants  and  artisans  of  various 
trades  also  immigrated,  and  settled  down  in  different  parts  of 
England;  cf.  VISING,  I  p.  6  f.  In  1154  Norman  noblemen  were 
in  possession  of  1115  fortified  English  castles.  The  monasteries 
and  religious  houses  were  'filled  with  French  monks  of  various 
orders;  cf.  VISING,  I  p.  8. 

Numerous  French-speaking  centres  having  thus  originated, 
it  goes  without  saying  that  the  language  of  the  conquerors  must 
have  left  some  traces  in  English  place-nomenclature.  The  proud 
Normans,  with  all  their  aversion  to  the  English  language,  had 
to  pronounce  the  names  of  the  places  they  had  occupied. 

Only  a  few  instances  are  recorded  of  an  English  place- 
name  having  been  replaced  by  a  new  French  one.  Sheen  has 
been  superseded  by  Richmond  (TAYLOR,  Names,  p.  235),  Tates- 
hale,  D.B.,  by  Pontefract  (TAYLOR,  p.  225),  Lutgaresburg  by  Mont- 
acute  (FREEMAN,  V  p.  572)  etc.  »On  the  whole  really  new 
names  were  confined  to  really  new  foundations.  A  good  many 
castles  and  abbeys  reared  by  Romance-speaking  founders  not 
unnaturally  received  Romance  names »;  FREEMAN,  ibid. 

It  is  much  more  usual  that  a  French  element  is  added  to 
an  English  one,  which  gives  origin  to  hybrid  formations,  like  Old- 
castle  (Mon.),  Newcastle  (Nb.),  Newe  castelle,  R.Br.,  v.  250,  Nof- 
chastel  sur  Tyne,  Langtoft,  II  p.  192,  Castlecombe  (WL),  Cumbe 
(John),  Index,  Droitwich  (Wo.),  Saltwic,  Birch  138,  Wich,  D.B. 
Cf.  DUIGNAN,  Wo.  Pl.Ns.,  p.  53. 

Often  this  element  is  the  name  of  a  Norman  family,  which 
mostly  is  put  after  the  place-name  as  a  separate  word,  e.  g. 
Stoke  Mandeville,  Bury  Pommeroy,  Ashby  de  la  Zouch.  More 

1  In  working  out  this  section  and  the  following  one  we  have  mainly 
depended  on  the  following  works:  FREEMAN,  The  Norman  Conquest  I— V 
J.  VISING,  Franska  spraket  i  England  I,  II,  III  (Gothenburg  1900),  BEHRENS, 
Zur  Geschichte  der  Franz.  Sprache  in  England  (Paul's  Gr.). 


12  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

seldom  the  English  word  and  the  Norman  name  have  coalesced, 
as  in  Hurstmonceaux  (Ss.)  <  O.E.  hyrst  +  O.Fr.  monceaus  (cf. 
Willelmus  de  Moncels,  D.B.,  HILDEBRAND,  p.  339),  Hurstpier point 
(Ss.)  <  O.E.  hyrst  -f-  O.Fr.  Pierpoint  (still  used  as  a  surname,  see 
BARDSLEY'S  Die.),  Amport  (Ha.),  Anne,  D.B.,  Anne  Port  (1306), 
Anne  de  Port  (1325),  Index  (cf.  Hugo  de  Port,  D.B.,  HILDEBRAND, 
p.  341),  Bridgewater  (Sm.)1,  Bruges  Walteri  (1^27),  Ch.R.,  Bru- 
geswalteri,  -water,  H.R.,  Briggewauter  (1346—49),  C.R.,  Briggewater, 
(1401—05),  P.R.,  Gentleshaw  (St.),  Gentylshawe  (1505);  according 
to  DUIGNAN,  St.  Pl.Ns.,  p.  67,  in  1341  a  person  called  John 
Gentyl  is  mentioned  as  living  in  the  samrne  parish. 

Not  unfrequently  the  A.N.  saint,  which  soon  took  the 
place  of  O.E.  sanct,  has  been  added  to  a  place-name,  mostly  in 
connection  with  the  name  of  a  saint.  For  examples  see  BAR- 
THOLOMEW'S Gazetteer. 

Such  forms  as  Wicmaret,  Wivelescomet,  Estochet,  D.B.,  Stoket 
(1284),  F.A.  =  Wickmere  (Nf.),  Wiveliscornbe  (Sm.),  Stoke  (Sm.), 
seem  to  instance  the  addition  of  the  French  diminutive  suffix-e£. 
Cf.  Montamys  (1484),  Montamiset  (1498)  =  Montamy  (Calvados), 
Die.  Topogr.  du  Calvados. 

The  preposition  de  d'  frequently  used  to  connect  a  per- 
sonal name  and  a  pjace-narne,  is  sometimes  found  prefixed  to 
the  latter:  Disenhurst  (c.  1270),  Selborne  Ch.  =  Ysenhurst  (Ha.), 
W.  de  Deverwik  (3  X),  Ramsey  Ch.  =  York.  Cf.  Aniblainvilla  and 
Demblenvilla  (1128)  =  Damblainville  (Calv.),  Avevilla  (1060),  Dyau- 
villa  (14  c.)  =  Deauville  (Calv.),  Die.  Topogr.  du  Calvados. 

Of  particular  interest  are  the  cases  in  which  the  French  definite 
article  appears  either  prefixed  to  the  place-name :  Laierda,  D.B.  = 
Yard  (Dv.),  Lalege,  D.B.  =  Leigh  (Gl.),  Lacherne,  D.B.  =  Kerne  (Ha.), 
Ladone,  D.B.  =  The  Down  (Ha.),  La  Hide,  G.  le  Mar.,  v.  15904 
=  Hyde  Abbey  (Ha.),  La  Kenape,  G.  le  Mar.,  v.  15886  =  Knepp 
Castle  (Ss.),  La  Forde  (1275).  Subs.  Roll  =  Lifford  (Wo.),  Pole 
(1342),  La  Pole  (1454)  =  Lappal  (Wo.);  or  inserted  between  the 
two  components:  Barton  le  Street  (Yo.),  Thorpe  le  Soken  (Es.), 
Sutton  le  Marsh  (Li.)  etc. 2. 

1  B.  was  originally  called  Brugge  or  Burgh  Walter  from  the  Norman 
baron  to  whom  the  manor  was  given  at  the  Conquest;  cf.  EARTH. 

1  This  question  is  best  treated  in  connection  with  the  corresponding 
use  of  the  article  in  French  place-names.  We  have  gathered  some  material 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  13 

As  the  places  of  Normandy  often  contain  elements  from 
various  Germanic  dialects,  English  place-names  are  sometimes 
remodelled  after  the  pattern  of  such  or  other  well-known  forms. 
Norman  -tot  and- ware  corresponding  to  O.E.  -toft  and  -mere,  we  some- 
times find  the  former  substituted  for  the  latter:  Wicmara,  D.B. 
=  Wickmere  (Nf.),  Slidemare,  Ledemare,  D.B.  =  Sledmere  (Yo.), 
Hotot,  -toft,  D.B.  =  Huttoft  (Li.),  Langetot,  Stouwdangetot  (13  c., 
14  c.),  Index  =  Stowlangtoft  (Sf.),  Wilgetot,  D.B.  =  Willitoft  (Yo.). 
Such  forms  are  explained  in  a  different  manner  by  JELLINGHAUS, 
Anglia  XX,  p.  325  (tot  a  dialectal  variant  of  loft)  and  STOLZE, 
p.  16  (mare  for  mere  owing  to  Scand.  influence).  We  believe  our 
explanation  to  be  the  correct  one.  The  irregular  forms  of  the 
above-mentioned  places  hardly  appear  except  in  D.B.  All  later 
records  we  have  consulted,  have  -toft  and  -mere.  The  only  place 
for  which  the  forms  in  -tot  have  been  kept  somewhat  longer,  is 
Stowlangtoft,  which  may  have  been  the  seat  of  an  old  Norman 
family,  there  being  a  manor-house  in  its  immediate  neighbour- 
hood. —  Westminster  appears  in  Wace  and  Fantosme  as  Westmoslier, 
-mustier]  cf.  WESTPHAL,  Index.  To  O.E.  mynster  corresponds  O.Fr. 
moustier.  —  Fleshy  (Es.),  formerly  Plesincho,  D.B.,  Plesingho, 
T.N.,  F.A.,  seems  to  have  been  transformed  on  the  analogy  of 
numerous  French  place-names  in  ei  <  etum.  Cf.  such  Latinized 
forms  as  Plesseto,  H.R.,  Plessetum  (1408),  Index  1. 

From  the  above-mentioned  cases  we  have  to  keep  apart 
such  arbitrary  alterations  as  Beauxfield  for  Whitfield  (Ke.)  Beaus- 
feld  (Hen.  III.)  Index,  or  Belleau  (Li.)  for  Elgeh,  D.B.  Here 
the  first  English  element  has  been  replaced  by  the  very  usual 
French  place-name  component  beau,  bel. 

A  few  times  attempts  have  been  made  at  translating 
English  place-names  into  French:  Chef  de  Bede,  Gaimar,  v. 

for  a  special  investigation  into  the  subject.  POGATSCHEE,  Anglia,  Beiblatt 
XVIII,  p.  105,  is  of  opinion  that  le,  when  inserted  between  two  Engl.  place- 
name  components,  is  a  remainder  of^the  French  preposition  lez.  His  theory 
does  not  seem  te  be  substantiated  by  the  early  spellings.  We  must  keep  in 
mind  that,  though  lez  sometimes  may  serve  to  connect  two  French  place- 
name  components,  a  noun  preceded  by  the  article  le,  la  is  also  often  added 
to  a  place-name,  as  it  would  seem,  to  distinguish  the  place  in  question  from 
others  with  the  same  name.  Cf.  such  early  forms  as  Fresneium  la  Mere 
(12  c.)  =  Fresn4-la-Mere  (Calv.),  Die.  Top.  du  Calvados. 

1  Remains  of  an  aucient  castle  witness  to  Norman  settlement;  BAETH. 


14  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

1416  <  O.E.    Badanheafod,   A.S.   Chr.,   Grandham,  D.B.  =  Greet- 
ham  (Li.) 

We  will,  however,  not  enter  into  a  detailed  discussion  of 
all  these  interesting  phenomena,  our  main  object  being  to  ac- 
count only  for  such  changes  in  English  place-names  as  are  due 
to  differences  between  English  and  Anglo-Norman  phonology. 

7.  Victory  of  A.N.  forms.  The  causes.  For  a 
period  of  more  than  300  years  French  was  the  official  language 
in  England,  understood  and  spoken  not  only  by  the  Normans 
and  the  French,  but  also  by  the  more  refined  among  the  Eng- 
lish; cf.  VISING,  I  p.  19.  We  are  justified  in  assuming  that  at 
least  for  the  whole  of  this  time  double  forms  existed  of  many 
English  place-names,  one  of  them  purely  English,  the  other 
exhibiting  A.N.  peculiarities.  From  being  used  originally  only 
by  the  Normans,  the  latter  might  in  course  of  time  easily  have 
been  adopted  by  the  English  themselves. 

Such  forms  may  also  have  exercised  a  mutual  influence  on 
each  other.  Indeed,  in  one  or  two  cases  it  seems  as  if  an  A.N. 
form  has  given  origin  to  a  corresponding  English  one.  Cf.  §  5 
Appendix. 

Some  of  the  French  forms  were  merely  transitory,  as  Nicole 
for  Lincoln,  others,  like  Londres  for  London,  were  only  used  by 
the  French  themselves,  but  not  unfrequently  the  English  forms 
have  been  replaced  by  the  French. 

No  doubt,  the  supremacy  of  French  as  the  language  of  the 
conquerors  has  been  the  principal  cause  of  this  victory.  Whereas 
English  was  looked  down  upon  as  an  inferior  language  (cf.  the 
often  quoted  passage  from  R.G1.,  PAUL'S  Gr.,  p.  951),  French 
was  highly  appreciated.  This  does  not  surprise  us  when  we 
consider  that  it  was  spoken  by  the  men  of  the  highest  rank  in 
the  country. 

With  reference  to  place-names  it  has  already  been  pointed 
out  that,  may-be,  a  faulty  pronunciation  used  by  people  in  a 
higher  position  and  on  a  higher  cultural  level,  may  easily  be 
adopted  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  place  itself.  Zinal  and  Za 
(Wallis),  in  which  z  signifies  a  local  pronunciation  ts,  are  natu- 
rally pronounced  with  voiced  s  by  the  French  and,  being  situa- 
ted on  French  territory,  also  by  many  German  tourists,  and  this 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  15 

pronunciation  is  now  corning  into  use  even  among  the  natives. 
See  MEYER-LUBKE,  Einfiihrung  in  das  Studium  der  Roman. 
Sprachwissenscbaft,  p.  193. 

It  is  principally  where  large  places  are  concerned,  which 
have  played  an  important  ecclesiastical  or  political  part,  and  in 
the  population  of  which  the  A.N.  element  certainly  was  very 
well  represented,  that  the  French  forms  have  heen  victorious. 
When  the  same  has  been  the  case  with  smaller  places,  this  may 
often  be  traced  back  to  the  fact  that  a  Norman  castle,  monastery, 
or  manor-house  was  situated  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood. 
There  were  a  great  many  religious  houses  in  England,  and  as 
late  as  1252  French  and  Latin  were  often  the  only  languages 
known  by  the  monks.  Of.  VISING,  I  p.  7,  9,  II  p.  8.  Thus 
our  theories  are  sometimes  supported  by  historical  evidence. 

Lastly,  we  will  draw  attention  to  one  more  circumstance 
which  certainly  has  contributed  not  a  little  to  the  victory  of  the 
Anglo-Norman  forms.  »At  the  time  of  the  Norman  invasion  of 
England  the  practice  of  hereditary  surnames  seems  still  to  have  been 
a  novelty,  but  a  novelty  which  was  fast  taking  root.  The  mem- 
bers of  the  great  Norman  houses  already  bore  surnames,  some- 
times territorial,  sometimes  patronymic,  of  which  the  former 
class  became  hereditary »;  FREEMAN,  V  p.  565.  This  custom  the 
Normans  brought  over  with  them  to  England,  where  it  soon 
spread  rapidly;  Vising,  I  p.  20.  Many  Norman  noble  families 
were  named  after  the  place  where  they  had  their  landed  pro- 
perty. Of.  Gislebert  de  Cliva,  D.B.,  HILDEBRAND,  p.  346.  =  Mod. 
E.  Clive  <  O.E.  clif.  It.  is  evident  that  such  place-names  used 
as  surnames  by  the  Normans  were  developed  according  to 
French  sound-laws,  and  in  some  cases  the  pronunciation  of  the 
name  may  also  have  been  transferred  to  that  of  the  place. 

9.  Plan  of  the  treatise.  —  We  have  thought  it  suitable 
to  divide  our  treatise  into  two  parts,  according  to  the  different 
nature  of  the  phenomena  we  have  to  deal  with. 

I.  Changes  in  English  place-names  due  to  Anglo- 
Norman  sound-substitution.  An  English  sound  or  group  of 
sounds  was,  generally  or  in  a  certain  position,  absolutely  un- 
known to  the  Normans,  and  was,  consequently,  altered  in  one 


16  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

way  or  another  to  suit  A.N.  pronunciation.  Changes  of  this 
kind  took  place,  of  course,  immediately  after  the  Norman  in- 
vasion. 

II.  Changes  in  English  place-names  due  to  Anglo- 
Norman  sound-development.  The  A.N.  dialect  was,  natu- 
rally, in  a  state  of  continual  development.  At>  the  time  of  the 
Conquest  sound-laws  were  acting  and  continued  to  act  within  it, 
and  others  made  their  appearance  during  the  period  of  more 
than  three  hundred  years  when  A.N.  was  spoken  in  England. 
It  is  evident  that  numerous  English  place-names  used  by  the 
Normans  in  the  written  and  spoken  language  should  be  subjec- 
ted to  changes  caused  by  those  sound-laws. 

As  to  the  treatment  of  the  various  paragraphs  we  have  not 
thought  it  advisable  to  lay  down  any  hard  and  fixed  rules  al- 
ways to  be  observed.  The  phenomena  we  have  to  deal  with 
involving  manifold  and  dissimilar  problems,  we  have  striven  to 
obtain  the  best  results  by  adopting  what  in  every  special  case 
seems  to  be  the  best  method  of  treating  the  various  matters 
in  hand. 

Note.  It  was  our  original  idea  to  devote  a  special  chapter  to  some 
changes  in  the  pronunciation  of  English  place-names  which  are  due  to  A.N. 
orthography.  Considerations  of  time  and  space  have  made  us  desist  from 
this  intention  of  ours.  We  will  content  ourselves  with  giving  a  few  examples 
here.  In  rendering  English  sounds  the  Normans  sometimes  used  symbols 
which  easily  might  give  rise  to  misinterpretations.  Thus  O.E.  u  is  often 
rendered  by  o.  Of.  SWEET,  N.E.Gr.,  §  775.  If  o  was  kept  in  orthography, 
this  might  lead  to  a  spelling  pronunciation  (o)  for  («,  u).  To  the  examples 
adduced  by  Koeppel,  Spelling-pron.,  the  following  may  be  added:  Lolworth 
(Cb.\  pron.  (loula).  I  am  indebted  for  the  local  pronunciation  to  the  vicar 
of  the  parish.  Old  forms  are  Lolesuuorde,  D.B.,  Lulleivorth  (1284),  F.A.;  cf. 
O.E.  Lulleswyrp,  Kemble  714.  Rotherhithe  (Sr.),  pron.  (rodarip),  Tanger.  On 
the  etymology  cf.  Koeppel,  p.  56.  Compton  (Gl.  etc.)  pron.  (komtan),  Tanger; 
cf.  O.E.  Cumbtun,  Cumtun,  Thorpe.  Combermere  (Wo.),  pron.  (kombamia), 
Tanger;  cf.  Comberton  (Wo.)  <  O.  E.  Cumbrincgtitn,  Birch  1282.  Cromwell 
(Nt),  Crunwelle  D.B.,  Crumbwell,  Crombewdl,  F.A.  At  least  the  surname  is 
nowadays  pronounced  with  (o) l.  The  Cavaliers'  toast:  —  >Wash  this  crumb 

1  According  to  Hope,  Cromwell  (Nt.)  is  dialectally  pronounced  »Crum- 
mil>.  Mr.  Fuhrken  has  kindly  pointed  out  to  me  that  the  pers.  name  Crom- 
well is  still  sometimes  pron.  with  (B),  and  that  the  current  pron.  of  Com- 
bermere is  (kBmbamia)  not  (kombamia),  as  stated  by  Tanger. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  17 

well  down>  (cf,  BAEDSLEY,  Die.,  p.  218),  enables  us  to  conclude  that  the 
present  pronunciation  had  not  yet  arisen  at  the  time  of  the  famous  Eng- 
lish statesman.  In  Bodley,  Bodleian,  pron.  (bodli,  bodlian),  an  instance  is 
offered  of  spelling-pron.  having  been  introduced  into  the  personal  name, 
whereas  the  corresponding  locality,  Budleigh  (Dv.)  exhibits  the  historically 
correct  spelling  and  pron. 

10.  Arrangement  of  the  material.  -  -  The  material  of 
the  old  forms  we  have  collected  has  been  brought  together  in 
lists  at  the  head  of  the  different  paragraphs.  In  drawing  up 
these  lists  we  have  proceeded  in  the  following  way.  The  various 
records  we  have  used  are  arranged  chronologically  1.  Records  of 
one  and  the  same  century  are  given  in  alphabetical  order.  Old 
forms  of  place-names  taken  from  the  same  document  are  ar- 
ranged alphabetically  according  to  counties.  The  figures  at  the 
top  refer  to  the  Mod.  and  O.E.  forms,  which  always  head 
the  lists. 

When  from  various  reasons  exemples  of  place-names  are 
adduced  in  the  text  itself  the  forms  meant  to  illustrate  a  certain 
sound-change  are  generally  given  first,  then  the  present  name  of 
the  place,  and  lastly  a  few  references  to  early  regular  forms. 
All  the  early  spellings  both  of  place-names  and  of  ordinary  words 
have  been  printed  in  italics. 


1  As  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  ascertain  the  exact  date  of  the 
MSS.  of  all  the  works  we  have  consulted,  we  have  had  to  base  the  chrono- 
logy on  the  date  of  the  originals.  The  age  of  many  MSS.  is,  however,  stated 
in  the  list  of  works  consulted  preceding  the  Introduction. 


I.    Changes  in  English  place-names  due  to 
Anglo-Norman  sound-substitution. 

§  1.    Anglo-Norman  (ts)  is  substituted  for  English  (t/). 

A.    In  initial  position. 

1.     The  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  prevailed: 

a.  In  place-names  containing  O.E.  cester,  ceaste,  caster"1.  1.  Exeter 
(Dv.)  <  O.E.  Exanceaster,  A.S.  Chr.  2.  Frocester  with  F.  Court  (Gl.).  3.  Ci- 
rencester  (Gl.)  <  O.E.  Cirenceaster,  A.S.  Chr.  4.  Gloucester  (Gl.)  <  O.E.  Gloive-, 
Gleawcester,  A.S.  Chr.  5.  Leicester  (Le.)  <  O.E.  Ligeraceaster,  A.S.  Chr.  6. 
Craster  (Nb.).  7.  Towcester  (Np.)  <  O.E.  Tofeceaster,  A.S.  Chr.  8.  Bicester 
(Ox.).  9.  Wroxeter  (Sh.).  1O.  Rocester  (St.).  11.  Alcester  (Wa.).  12; 
Mancetter  or  Mancester  (Wa.).  13.  Worcester  (Wo.)  <  O.E.  Wigraceaster , 
A.S.  Chr. 

D.B.   Execestre1,  Frowcestre*,  Cirecestres,  Glouuecestre*,  Ledecestre*, 

Bernecestre*,  Rochecestreg,  Roivecestre10,   Wirecestrels. 
12th  c.  —  Index.     Circestria*  (1149),  Gloecestria*  (1130).     Pi.R.    Legrecestre5 

(1131),  Leicester'0  (1155). 
13th  c.  —  C.B.    Leicester6,  Towcester'1 ,  Alencesire11  (31—34).     Ch.B.  Exeter1 

(1242).   F.A.    Leycestrie*.  Proclamation  of  Henry  III.   1258 


1  Nearly  all  M.E.  forms  of  O.E.  cester,  ceaster,  ccester  exhibit  e  in  the 
root-syllable.  This  e  was  in  O.E.  confined  to  Mercian  and  1.  West-Saxon. 
Cf.  BULBRING  §  314.  M.E.  e  instead  of  a  may  sometimes  be  due  to  weak  stress 
(thus  MORSBACH,  Urkunden,  p. 52  f.)  or  even  to  the  analogy  of  the  numerous 
forms  where  e  is  the  regular  development.  La3amon  has  several  instances 
of  ce,  a  as  well,  but  it  is  very  difficult  to  decide  which  was  the  reading  of 
the  original,  as  in  the  text  ce,  a  not  unfrequently  occur  for  e  <  O.E.  e. 
Chastre,  R.G1.  (=  Chester),  Chastrefeld,  Chaster/eld,  Index  (=  Chesterfield  Db., 
St.,)  may  go  back  to  O.E.  ceaster,  ccester,  though,  on  the  other  hand,  asso- 
ciation with  O.Fr.  chastre  <  Lat.  castra  is  not  excluded;  confusion  with  O.Fr. 
chastel  is  indisputable  in  Chastelfield  (=  Chesterfield,  Db.),  R.G1. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  19 

(in  Kluge,  Mittelengl.  Lesebuch,  p.  25).  Gloivchestre* ,  Leirchestre*, 
Wirechestre13.  MS.  Jesus  Coll.  Oxford  (O.E.  Miscellany,  Early 
E.  Text  Soc.  49).  Execestre1,  Gloucestreschire*,  Leycestreschire5, 
Wirecestre13.  La3amon.  JExechcestre1  A,  Excestre1  B,  v.  9755, 
Excestre1  A,  v.  31112,  Axcetre1  A,  v.  30865,  Cher  inches  tre3  A,  v! 
29112,  Chirenchestre3  A,  v.  29122,  Chirchestre*  A,  v.  29205, 
Gloichestre*  A,  Gloucestre*  B,  v.  9629,  Gleoch&stre*  A,  Gloucestre* 
B,  v.  10429,  Gloucester*  A,  v.  27206,  Leirchestre5  A,  Leycetre*  B, 
v.  2915,  Leirchcestre*  A,  Leycestre5  B,  v.  24346,  Leycestre*  A,  v! 
27272.  P.B.  Cyrencestre3,  Gloucester*  (32—47),  Leircestre*  (16—25), 
Touecestre1  (01—16),  Worcester18  (32—47).  B.G1.  Excestre1,  Exes- 
tre1,  Excetre1,  Gloucestre*,  Gloucetre4,  Leycester*,  Leicetre5,  Wor- 
cestre13,  Wircestre13,  Wircetre1*  (for  references  to  line  and  page 
se  the  Index  to  Wright's  ed.).  T.N.  Crancestre*,  Toucestre1, 
Bernecestre*,  Alencestre11,  Manecestre1'2.  Tax.Eccl.  Excestre*, 
Cirencestre3,  Leicestre*,  Toivecestre1 ,  Wrokcestre9,  Alicestre11  Man- 
cetre1*. 

14th  c.  —  C.R.  Exeter1,  Cirencester*,  Gloucester4,  Leicester'0,  (07-13),  Wrox- 
cestre9  (46—49),  Worcester™  (07—13).  P.A.  Frowcester*  (1316), 
Leicester6  (1316),  Crauucestre6  (1346),  Wroccestre9  (1316).  Index. 
Glousetre*  (1374).  P.B.  Excestre1,  Cirencester*,  Gloucester*,  Lei- 
cester5 (91—96),  Wroxcestre9  (46—49),  Wircestre13  (91—96). 

15th  c.  —  Capgrave.  Excetre1,  Excetir\  p.  122,  p.  129,  Cicetir3,  p.  275, 
Glouceter*,  pp.  136,  147,  Leicester5,  p.  100,  Leycetir*,  pp.  118,  157, 
Wyscetir13,  p.  281,  Wycetir13,  p.  292.  F.A.  Leycestrie5  (1428), 
Craucestre*  (1428).  I.P.M.  Exeter1  (Hen.  VII.),  Bursester*  (Hen.  VI.), 
Burencestres  (1485),  Bysseter*  (1495). 

16th  c.  —  V.B.  Frowceter*,  Cirincester,  -cetre3,  Gloucester,  -ceter*,  Glociter4, 
Glocitershire4,  Leicestre,  -ceter*,  Biscyter*,  Wroxcetor,  -cetour*,. 
Wroxtor®,  Rocettre10,  Mancettur12,  Worcestre,  -ceter13. 

b.  In  other  cases.  1.  Cippenham  (Bu.).  Cf.  Chippenham  and  Chip- 
ping, where,  according  to  Tanger,  ch  is  pronnounced  (if).  2.  Cerne  Abbas, 
Nether  and  Upper  Cerne  (Do.).  3.  Cirencester  (Gl.)  <  O.E.  Ciren-,  Cyren-,. 
Cyrnceaster,  A.8.  Chr.  4-  North  and  South  Cerney,  Cerney  Wick  (Gl.) '. 


1  Cerne,  Cirencester,  and  Cerney  may  all  of  them  contain  O.E.  ciren, 
which  seems  to  have  been  a  not  uncommon  name  of  rivers  in  the  West  of 
England.  There  are  three  rivers  the  names  of  which  may  be  derived  from 
ciren:  (1)  Churne  <  O.E.  Cirnea,  Kemble,  in  Glouc,  on  which  are  situated 
Cirencester,  N.  and  S.  Cerney,  and  Cerney  Wick;  all  these  places  have 
probably  been  named  after  the  river;  (2)  Cerne  in  Dors.,  on  which  we  note 
Cerne  Abbas,  Nether  and  Upper  Cerne;  (3)  Churnet  and  Churnet  Valley, 
Chirnete  (1284)  (see  DUIGNAN,  St.  Pl.Ns.,  p.  40)  in  Chesh.  —  The  ultimate 
source  of  O.E.  ciren  is  obscure.  Like  the  names  of  so  many  other  English 
rivers  it  may  be  of  Celtic  origin.  POGATSCHEE,  Lateinische  Lehnworter,  p. 
125,  derives  the  first  element  of  Cirenceaster  from  Lat.  Corinium.  This- 


20  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

D.B.     Cerne*,  CcrneP,  Cerneli*,  Obcerne*,  Cirecestre*,  Cernei*. 
12th  c.  —  A.S.  Chr.  Cernel*  (1114),  MS.H.  Bruton  and  Mont.  Ch.  (tres) 

Cernels*.    Index.     Circestria*.  Pi.B.  Cerna*  (1131),  Cerne*  (1189). 
1  3th  c.  —  H.B.    Chippenham1,  Cirincestre*.   Lasamon.    Cernele*  A,  v.  29674, 

Cherinchestre9   A,  v.  29112,  Chirchestre*  A,  v.  29205.    P.B.     dp* 

penham1   (16—25).     T.N.     Cern?,    Cernay*.    Tax.    Eccl.     Ccrne1, 

Cirencester*. 
14th  c.  —  O.B.     Cippenham1   (46—49),    Cirencester*  (07—13).    F.A.     Sowth- 

serney*  (1303),  Southcerney4'  (1316,  46),  Northcerney4*  (1303,  16,  46). 

Index.     Upcerne*  (1379).    P.R.     Sippenham1  (48—50). 
15th  c.  —  Capgrave.     Cicetir3,    p.    275.     I.P.M.     Cerne*   (1487).    Index. 

Syppenham1  (1429). 


2.     Jfo  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  not  prevailed. 

a.  In  place-names  containing  O.E.  cester,  ceaster,  ccester.  1.  Chesham 
(Bu.).  2.  Chesterton  (Cb.)  3.  Chester  (Ch.)  <  O.E.  Ceaster,  A.S.  Chr.  4. 
Chesterfield  (Db.).  5.  Dorchester  (Do.)  <  O.E.  dornuuarana  ceaster,  Kent. 
Chart.,  Sweet,  O.E.T.,  p.  434.  6.  Lanchester  (Du.).  7.  Colchester  (Es.)  < 
O.E.  Colneceaster,  A.S.  Chr.  8.  Woodchester  (GL).  9.  Winchester  (Ha.)  < 
O.E.  Wintanceaster,  A.S.  Chr.  1  0.  Silchester  (Ha.).  1  1  .  Porchester  (Ha.). 
12.  Cheshunt  (Ht.).  13.  Godmanchester  (Hu.).  14.  Rochester  (Ke.)  < 
O.E.  Hrofesceaster,  A.S.  Chr.  15.  Manchester  (La.)  <  O.E.  Mameceaster,  A.S.  Chr. 
16.  Ribchester  (La.).  17.  Irchester  (Np.).  18.  Dorchester  (Ox.)  <  O.E. 
Dorceceaster,  A.S.  Chr.  19.  II  Chester  (Sm.).  2O.  Chichester  (Ss.)  <  O.E. 
Cisseccaster,  A.S.  Chr. 

D.B.     Cestreham1,     Cestretone*  ,     Centre*,    Dorecestre'0,    Colecestra1  , 
Widecestre*,   UdecestreB,  Silcestre10,  Portcestre11,  Cestrehunt1*,  Rove- 
cestre1*,  Mamecestre™,  Ribelcastre™,  Dorchecestre™,  Cicestre™. 
12th  c.  —  Index.      Chestreunt1*,     Cestrehont™,     Cestrehunt1*,    Gutmuncetre1* 

(46—54),  Gumcestria1*  (1194). 

13th  c.  —  O.B.  Cestrefeld*,  Cilcestre™,  Porcestre^,  Mamecestre™,  Cycestre™ 
(31—34).  Ch.B.  Cestresham1  (1257),  Langecestre"  (1292),  Cole- 
cestria1  (1255).  F.A.  Irencestre"  (1284).  H.B.  Cestresham1,  Dor- 
cestre5,  Colcestre"1,  Colcetre"1,  Cestrehonte1*,  Gomcestre*9,  Irencestre1^  , 
Dorkccestre1*,  Cycestre™.  La3amon.  Winchestre9  A,  B,  v.  2819, 
Winchcestre*  A,  v.  9431,  Portchcestre11  A,  Portcastre11  B,  v.  9234. 
P.B.  Colecestre1  ,  Winchester9,  Porcestre,  -chestre11  (32—47),  Gome- 
cestre1*,  Gurmechestre18  (81—92),  Mamecestre™  (25—32),  Maume- 
cestre"  (72—81),  Rybecestre1*,  Ivelcestre™,  Cycestre™  (32-47).  B.B. 


etymology  is  by  no  means  certain.  Cf.  FOKBIGER,  Handbuch  der  alten 
Geogr.  Ill,  p.  289.  Corinium  would,  besides,  have  given  O.E.  cyren  with  a  gut- 
tural k.  In  Anglia  XXXI,  p.  272,  POGATSCHKR  accounts  for  s  as  due  to  spelling- 
pron.  This  explanation  seems  to  us  very  unsatisfactory.  The  c/i-forms  in 
La3amon  indicate  that  in  M.E.  a  pron.  with  (t/)  existed  by  the  side  of  the 
present  one,  where  s,  no  doubt,  is  due  to  French  influence. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  21 

Cestretone*  (1210),  Cestrehunte™.  B.G1.  Chastre*,  Chastelfield*, 
Golchester\  Winchestre9,  Wince fre9,  Winchetre9,  Wincestre9,  Cili- 
cestre10,  Rouchester1*,  Roucestre^,  Roucetre1*,  Chichestre™,  Cicestre™, 
Cicetre™.  T.N.  Cestresham1,  Colecestre\  Wodecestre*,  Porcestre11, 
Mamecestre1*,  Irecestre*1 ,  Dorkecestre±B.  Tax.  Eccl.  Cestrefeud4, 
Colecestre1 ,  Colechestre1 ,  Porcestre11. 

14th  c.  —  C.B.  Silchestre10,  Cilcestre™  (46—49).  P.A.  Chesham*  (1302), 
Wodecestre8  (1303,  46),  Gurmencestre™  (1346),  Roucestre,  -chestre14 
(1346),  Irencestre11  (1316).  Index.  Cestre*  (1331),  Cestrefeld*  (1306), 
Cheslrefeld*  (1384),  Rouceste1*  (1326).  P.B.  Langecestre*  (1399— 
1401),  Gummecestre^  (21—24),  Gurmundchestre1*  (43—45),  Mani- 
chestre™,  Mamcestre™  (91—96).  B.Br.  Chester*,  p.  19,  Chestre- 
feld\  p.  223,  Winchester9,  p.  19,  Wincester9,  p.  121. 

1  5th  c.  —  Capgrave.  Chester*,  p.  133,  Winchester9,  p.  109,  Rochester1*, 
p.  214,  Chichester™,  p.  187.  F.A.  Chesthunte1*  (1402),  Rouches- 
tre1*  (1404),  Irencestre11  (1428).  I.P.M.  Dorchester18  (1486).  P.B. 
Godmuncestre1*  (22—29). 

1  6th  c.  —  V.E.  Lanchestre6,    Wodchester*,   Winchestre9,  Dorchester1*,  (hundred 

de)  Dorcestre1*. 
b.    In  other  cases.     Any  number  of  instances  might  he  adduced.    We 

refer    to    the    discussion  on  the  proportion  between  the  English  and  French 

forms  on  p.  28  below. 

B.     In  medial  position. 

1.     The  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  prevailed. 

1.  Messing  (Es.).  Cf.  O.E.  (ge)mcecca,  also  used  as  a  personal  name, 
Mdf.,  p.  91.  2.  Whissonsett  (Nf.)?  <  O.E.  wee,  Mdf.,  p.  150.  Cf.  Whit- 
chingham  (Nf.),  Witcingeham,  D.B.,  Wychingham,  H.R.,  Witchingham,  F.A. 

D.B.     Matcinga1,   Witcingkeseta? . 
13th  c.  —  C.B.     Messing1   (88—96).     Ch.B.     WissingeseP,    Wilsingesete*  II. 

H.B.     Wychingsete*. 

14th  c.  —  F.A.     Messing*.     P.B.     Wyssingsete*  (27—30). 
1  5th  c.  —  I.P.M.     Wyssyngset*  (Hen.  VII.).    P.B.     Messynge1  (1401—05). 

2.     The  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  not  prevailed. 

1 .  Matching  (Es.).  2.  Latchingdon  (Es.).  3.  Fletching  (Ke.).  4.  Blet- 
chingley  (Sr.).  Cf.  O.E.  Blcecca,  Searle,  Bleccingdenn,  Thorpe  =  Blatching- 
don  (Ke.). 

D.B.    Matcinga1,    Lacen-,   Lachenduna*,   Flescingess,  Blacking elei*. 
1  3th  c.  —  C.B.  Machinge*  (72—79),  Flechyng*  (72—79),  Blechingeligh*  (72—79), 

Blessingleye*  (88-96).    Ch.B.    Fletching6  (1252),  Blescingeleye4-  II. 

H.B.    Flessing3.    Index.     Blechynglie*. 
1  4th  c.  —  F.A.     Massing1,  Maching1,  Lacindon*  (1303).   Index.   Blechynglie*. 


22  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

C.    In  final  position  after  i. 

1.     The  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  prevailed. 

1.  Chatteris  (Ob.).  It  is  hard  to  find  any  suitable  etymology  of  this 
word.  SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns.  of  Cb.,  p.  69,  suggests  it  was  originally  a  river-name  in 
-ic.  2.  Hiz,  a  small  river  in  Ht.  Cf.  hundret  de  Hiz  in  the  D.B.  of  Ht. 1 
Tbe  genuine  English  form  appears  in  Hichin  and  Hichin  Priory,  situated  on 
the  Hiz.  Of  these  places  we  have  noted  some  early  Spelling,  like  Hiche 
(1210,  1303),  R.B.,  Index,  Hechyn  (1541)  Index.  3.  Diss  (Nf.)?  <  O.E.  die. 

D.B.     Cetriz1,  Dice9. 
1  2th  c.  —  I.C.C.     Chateriz\  Chatriz1.    I  .El.    Catriz1,  Cetriz1,  Cateriz1,  Dicse*. 

Index.     Cateriz1  (1177). 

1  3th  c.  —  Kamsey  Ch.  Chaterik1,  Cceateric1,  Chateric1,  Ceairice1.  T.N.  Discs*. 
14th  c.  —  Index.     Chaterfz1. 

2.     The  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  not  prevailed. 

1 .  Greenwich  (Ke.)  <  O.E.  wic.  2.  Woolwich  (Ke.).  3.  Harwich 
(Nf.).  4.  Norwich  (Nf.)  <  O.E.  Norpivic,  A.S.  Chr.  5.  Launditch  Hundred 
(Nf.)  <  O.E.  die.  6.  Ipswich  (Ox.).  7.  Combwich  (Sm.).  8.  Evercreech 
(Sm.).  9.  Chadlewich  (Wa.). 

D.B.     Grenviz1,  Hulwiz*,  Commie1,  Eurecriz*. 

\  2th  c.  —  Index.     Chadeleswiz9  (John).    Pi.R.     Gippeswiz6  (1157). 
1 3th  c.  —  Ch.R.     Gyppcivych*  II.     F.A.     Wolwy**  (1284).    H.B.    Laundiz*, 

Gyppeiviz,  -wice6.     Index.     Herewiz*,  Norewiz*. 
\  4th  c.  —  F.A.     Wolewych*   (1346),   Laundiz5  (1302),  Landich*  (1316),  Laun- 

dich*  (1346). 

At  a  very  early  period  in  the  life  of  the  English  language 
(k)  under  certain  circumstances  was  fronted,  and;  at  least  in  the 
South  of  England,  further  developed  to  (t/j,  about  the  same 
sound  as  in  Mod.  English  church.  Cf.  SIEVEBS  §  206;  BULBKING 
§  491  ff.  Although  original  (k)  had  developed  into  two  different 
sounds,  the  same  orthographical  symbol  c  was  mostly  used  for 
both  of  them,  and,  consequently,  in  initial,  medial,  and  final 
position  might  have  the  value  of  (t/). 

Latin  (k)  was  also  fronted  in  some  parts  of  the  Romance 
linguistic  territory,  at  different  times  before  different  vowels.  As 

1  SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns  of  Ht.,  p.  63,  remarks  that  the  present  name  of  the 
river  may  be  due  to  an  artificial  revival  of  the  old  Domesday  form.  Whether 
this  is  true  or  not  can  be  ascertained  only  by  an  examination  of  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  early  spellings. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  23 

regards  (k)  before  a,  two  districts  are  to  be  distinguished  in  Nor- 
mandy. In  the  North  along  the  Channel  (k)  was  kept,  whereas 
in  the  South  just  as  in  Central  French  it  became  (if),  and  this 
stage  had  already  been  reached  at  the  time  of  the  Norman  Con- 
quest. Cf.  K.  BEETZ,  C  und  Ch  vor  lateinischem  A  in  altfranz. 
Texten  (Diss.  Strassburg  1887),  p.  67  1;  MEYER-LUBKE,  Gramm.  I 
§  410  f. 

Before  e  and  i  the  fronting  of  (k)  had  begun  at  a  much 
earlier  date,  but  varies  in  its  results.  It  appears  from  loan- 
words and  other  criteria  that  in  the  llth  cent,  (t/)  was  prevalent 
in  the  North-East  of  France,  (ts)  in  other  parts.  Cf.  MEYER- 
LtfBKE,  Gramm.  I  §§  406  f.  That  Normandy  belonged  to  the 
district  where  (k)  had  become  (ts),  is  clearly  indicated  not  only 
by  the  orthography  of  e.  A.N.  MSS.,  but  also  by  the  phonology 
of  the  French  loan-words  in  English.  Most  early  instances  exhi- 
bit ce,  ci;  the  few  with  die,  chi  in  Modern  English  are  almost  all 
of  later  introduction.  Cf.  BEHKENS,  p.  185. 

As  to  the  various  ways  in  which  the  sounds  (k),  (t/),  and 
(ts)  are  orthographically  represented  in  the  English  and  French 
MSS.  of  the  12th  cent,  and  later,  cf.  Appendix  A. 

The  comparison  we  have  made  between  the  development 
af  original  (k)  in  O.E.  and  O.Fr.,  results  in  the  fact  that  in  the 
English  of  the  llth  cent,  (k)  and  (t/)  appear  for  original  (k), 
whereas  A.N.  has  three  sounds,  i.  e.  (k),  (t/),  (ts).  Now,  it  seems 
very  plausible  that  the  Normans  to  whom  (t/)  was  quite  a  well- 
known  sound,  should  have  kept  it  in  all  positions,  but  this  has 
by  no  means  been  the  case.  There  must,  indeed,  have  been  a 
great  acoustic  resemblance  between  (ts)  and  (t/),  and,  in  fact,  Eng- 
lish (t/)  is  rendered  by  the  Normans  sometimes  with  one,  some- 
times with  the  other.  English  (t/)  seems  to  have  been  kept  only 
in  positions  where  it  occurred  in  Norman  too;  on  the  other 
hand,  (ts)  was  substituted  for  it  in  such  positions  and  before  such 
vowels  where  (ts)  only  occurred,  or  was  at  any  rate  prevalent  in 
the  Norman  dialect  itself.  This  whole  procedure  of  substitution 
may  be  characterized  as  a  tendency  to  bring  the  phonology  of 
the  English  words  in  accordance  with  the  Norman  vocabulary. 

In  the  following  discussion  we  have,  consequently,  to  disting- 
uish between  (t/)  in  initial,  medial,  and  final  position  and,  at  the  same 


24  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

time,    take    due    regard   to  the  vowel  which  follows  immediately 
after  (if). 

A.    (if)  in  initial  position. 
1.     (if)  is  followed  by  se. 

As  to  the  A.N.  way  of  rendering  Englisn  (t/se)  <  cea,  c& 
there  are  two  possibilities  to  be  taken  into  account.  O.E.  CB, 
which  was  something  between  Norman  short  open  e  and  cr,  has 
either  been  taken  for  e,  in  which  case  (ts)  was  probably  substi- 
tuted for  (if),  or  it  has  been  identified  with  a.  If  so,  the  same 
interchange  of  c  =  (k)  and  ch  =  (if)  sets  in  which  we  have  already 
observed  in  the  Norman  dialect  itself,  ca  instead  of  cha  in  South 
English  place  names  cannot  be  due  to  native  development  for  - 
with  the  single  exception  of  cea  before  I  -\-  consonant  —  the  assi- 
bilation  had  taken  place  in  the  whole  Southern  part  of  England. 
Cf.  HITTER,  Die  Verteilung  der  ch-  und  &-formen  irn  Mittelengl. 
(Diss.  Marburg  1904),  p.  21,  p.  80. 

We  have  chosen  the  following  examples  from  D.B.  to  illus- 
trate the  first  possibility,  A.N  ce  <  O.E.  cce:  Cetriz  =  Chatteris 
(Cb.),  Cedeslai  =  Chaddesley  (Wo.)  <  O.E.  Ceaddcsleage,  Birch  357, 
Celdvic  (with  Id  for  dl)  D.B.  =  Chadwich  (Wo.),  Chadeleswich, 
Chaddewyke  (13  c.)  (cf.  DUIGNAN,  Wo.  Pl.Ns.,  p.  35)  <  O.E.  dead- 
wealla  Searle. 

On  the  other  hand  the  same  interchange  as  in  French 
Cartrai,  Chartreia,  Kartrai,  D.B.  l  (cf.  HILDEBRAND,  p.  333),  ap- 
pears in  Kagefort,  Exon.  D.B.,  Chageford,  Exch.D.B.  =  Chagford 
(Dv.),  Chage-,  Chagliford,  F.A.  <  O.E.  cea(c)ge,  Mdf.,  p.  25,  N.E, 
dial.  chag;  a  branch  of  broom  or  gorse  (E.D.D.),  and  Chadele- 
dona,  Exon  D.B.,  Cadeledone,  Exch.  D.B.  =  Cheldori  (Dv.)  <O.E. 
Ceadwealla,  Searle.  ca  for  cha,  and  vice-versa,  is  also  to  be 
found  in  later  documents.  Chatteris  appears  as  Cairiz,  Chateriz- 
in  the  LEI.,  Catareio  and  Chateriz  in  the  I.C.C.  The  Index  has  Cateriz 
(1177).  Catshill  (Sr.)is  Chatishille  (1131)  and  Cateshella  (1141),  Index. 
In  Wace  we  have  noted  Chatenois,  v.  2365  =  Caithness  (Scot- 
land), ChantorUre,  v.  4079  =  Canterbury.  The  same  interchange 
appears  even  before  a  (French  alteration!)  <  Kentish  e  <  y  in 

1  For  other  similar  instances  in  Norman  place-names  cf.  JOEET,  p.  139. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  25 

Cameshing,  Chamsesinges,  R.B.  =  Kemsing  (Ke.)  <  O.E.  Cymesinc 
(a.  822),  Index;  after  s  in  Escardeburg,  Eschardeburg,  Ch.R.  I  = 
Scarborough  (Yo.).  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  M.E.  carl  in  Gaimar 
appears  as  carles,  charles,  v.  5486  etc.,  which  latter  form  cannot 
be  accounted  for  by  O.E.  ceorl,  whose  regular  M.E.  forms  are 
cherle,  churle.  See  the  Dictionaries  of  MATZNER  and  STRATMANN- 
BRADLEY.  Modern  English  place-names  do  not,  as  far  as  we 
have  been  able  to  ascertain,  preserve  any  traces  of  this  A.N. 
peculiarity. 

2.     (t/)  is  followed  ~by  e,  i. 

In  this  position  the  Normans  substituted  (ts)  for  (t/),  as 
appears  from  the  nearly  exclusive  spellings  ce,  ci  in  D.B.  A 
great  many  English  place-names  are  also  still  pronounced  with 
s  <  (ts)  <  (t/).  Such  a  development  is  from  an  English  point  of 
view  quite  without  a  parallel,  but  to  the  Normans  the  substitu- 
tion came  quite  natural,  as  their  own  language  did  not  possess 
(t/i)  except  in  one  single  word  (chiche  <  Greek  xtxxov),  and  (t/e) 
in  a  very  small  number  of  words  in  unstressed  position  (cheval 
etc.).  These  few  exceptions  could  not  have  counted  very  much 
in  comparison  with  the  great  number  of  words  with  (tse),  (tsi). 
In  fact,  cester  is  the  only  spelling  that  occurs  for  numerous  Eng- 
lish places  in  O.Fr.  texts.  Cf.  the  instances  brought  together  by 
WESTPHAL,  Index,  to  which  may  be  added:  Colecestre,  I,  p.  76, 
Cestre,  1,  p.  306,  Wincestre,  I,  p.  32,  Cestrefeld,  II,  p.  148,  Lang- 
toft;  Cestre,  v.  15235,  Porecestre,  v.  15101,  Rouvecestre,  v.  15072, 
Guill.  le  Mar.  Cf.  also  Certesie,  v.  15767,  Guill.  le  Mar.  = 
=  Chertsey  (Sr.),  Certesore,  v.  823,  Gaimar  =  O.E.  Cerdices  ora, 
A.S.  Chr. 

There  are,  however,  a  few  spellings  che,  chi  for  O.E.  (t/e),  (t/i), 
in  D.B.  (not  noted  by  Stolze):  Chipeham  =  Chippenham  (Cb.),  Celes-, 
Chelesham  =  Chelsham  (Sr.),  Ckercke,  Exon  D.B.,  Cerce,  Excheq. 
D.B.  (Devon)  =  Church.  These  spellings  might  be  considered  as  at- 
tempts to  render  the  English  sound  properly,  but  are  on  account 
of  their  rare  occurrence  perhaps  best  explained  as  errors.  We 


1  The  regular  French  development  of  cestre,  i.e.  cetre,  is  still  preser- 
ved in  Mod.  Fr.  Bicetre:  —  »Lieu,  pres  Paris,  ou  e"tait  un  chateau.  —  Etym. 
Winchester,  nom  d'un  personnage  anglais,  qui,  dans  le  XIV6  siecle,  poss^da 
ce  chateau*;  LITTKE,  Die.  francais  I,  p.  337. 


26  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

must  keep  in  mind  that  the  D.B.  MSS.  are  copies  of  original 
returns,  perhaps  even  second-hand  copies,  and  a  thoughtless 
scribe  who  was  used  to  write  c  and  ch  indiscriminately  in  some 
positions,  e.  g.  before  a,  might  very  well  have  transferred  this 
interchange  to  c  in  other  positions.  Indeed,  it  is  hardly  probable 
that  the  c^-spellings  belong  to  the  originals.  In  the  MS.  of  the 
LhS.  (1119),  which  may  be  of  an  earlier  date  than  those  of 
D.B.,  ce  ci  occur  with  nearly  perfect  regularity  for  O.E.  (t/e),  (t/i). 

B.    (t/)  in  medial  position. 

Here  the  Normans  had  both  (t/)  and  (ts)  not  only  after  a 
consonant,  but  also  between  two  vowels,  at  least  when  e  followed: 
manche  <  manicam,  herce  <  herpicem,  lecher  <  leccare,  sace  <  sa- 
piam  etc.  This  state  of  things  seems  to  be  reflected  in  such 
spellings  as  Lenche,  Achelenz,  Circelenz,  D.B.  =  Lench,  Atchlench, 
Church  Lench  (Wo.),  Stanlim,  D.B.  =  Stallenge  (Dv.),  Stanlyncli 
(1316),  F.A.,  -Wynch,  Weinz,  F.A.  =  Winch  (Nf.).  Vowel  +  che 
is  also  much  more  usual  in  D.B.  than  initial  che. 

Medial  s  in  Whissonsett  and  Messing  (cf.  list  B,  1.)  is  the 
more  likely  to  be  due  to  A.N.  influence,  since  the  Normans 
had  only  the  sound-combination  vowel  +  (t/e),  not  that  of 
vowel  +  (t/i). 

C.    (t/)  in  final  position  after  i. 

Final  c  after  i  developed  in  the  South  of  England  to  (t/), 
whereas  the  stop  was  probably  kept  before  a  following  vowel. 
Cf.  BULBRING  §§  496,  497  Amn.  This  theory  is  supported 
by  the  phonology  of  M.E.  and  N.E.  dialectal  words.  Cf. 
HITTER,  p.  33  ff.  In  late  O.E.  we  have,  consequently,  (ik)  in 
the  North  of  England,  (it/"),  or  perhaps  sometimes  (ik)  owing  to 
the  influence  of  the  inflected  forms,  in  the  South. 

The  Normans  had  no  final  (it/)  —  at  least  not  until  e  was  lost 
in  such  words  as  riche  —  and  it  was,  therefore,  quite  natural  that 
they  substituted  the  well-known  (its)  for  English  (it/) 1.  That  we 
have  here  to  do  with  a  real  pronunciation  (its),  later  on  (is),  is 

Examples  from  O.Fr.  text  are  adduced  by  WESTPHAJL,  p.  26.  For 
instances  of  4z  instead  of  -ich  in  personal  names  see  SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns.  of  Cb., 
p.  69;  RATHMANN,  p.  45. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  $7 

obvious  from  rhymes  like  Dunewiz:  escriz,  Fantosme,  v.  872  = 
Dunwich  (Sf.);  Sanwis:  recuittis,  Gaimar,  v.  2429  =  O.E.  Sandwic, 
A.S.  Chr.,  Chenris:  osciz,  Gaimar,  v  1789  =  O.E.  Keneric,  Searle; 
Sanvis:  envis,  Norviz:  escris,  Guill.  le  Mar,  v.  17187,  v.  14120. 

By  the  side  of  -«>  we  find  in  D.B.  and  later  -ic,  -ich.  For 
instances  cf.  STOLZE,  p.  44  f.,  RATHMANN  p.  44  f.,  WESTPHAL, 
p.  23.  It  is  very  difficult  to  decide  on  the  value  of  these  spel- 
lings. In  French  words  final  c,  ch  stand  for  (k)  in  D.B.  Cf. 
HILDEBRAND,  p.  359.  It  is,  however,  not  impossible  that  -ic,  -ich 
are  only  spellings  which  were  also  pronounced  (its).  We  can 
quote  at  least  one  rhyme  in  favour  of  this  view,  viz.  Evrewic: 
Edelfriz,  Gaimar,  v.*  1005.  This  instance  is  of  particular  interest, 
as  ~ic  corresponds  to  Northern  (ik).  Cf.  also  the  place-name 
Warwick,  which  in  R.Br.,  p.  113,  exhibits  the  regular  form  War- 
wik,  but  in  Langtoft's  chronicle  I,  p.  474,  appears  as  Warwys: 
repris. 

The  spelling  Norwece,  Paston  Letters  (see  NEUMANN,  p.  72) 
may  be  a  late  M.E.  instance  of  A.N.  s  for  English  (t/).  Cf. 
Norwyce,  Langtoft  I,  p.  474,  corresponding  to  Norwiche,  R.Br., 
p.  208. 

From  the  examination  above  we  seem  justified  in  drawing  the 
conclusion  that  A.N.  (ts)  was  generally  substituted  for  English  (t/): 
(1)  initially  before  e  and  i,  (2)  medially  before  i  after  a  vowel,  (3) 
finally  after  i.  In  positions  where  the  Normans  had  (t/)  as  well 
as  (ts),  both  these  sounds  seem  to  have  been  used  in  rendering 
English  (if). 

The  French  and  English  forms  existed  side  by  side  for 
many  centuries,  as  is  amply  proved  by  the  numerous  double 
forms  in  the  lists. 


1  Loss  of  c.  after  i  we  have  noted  in  D.B.  only  in  two  rather  dubious 
cases,  viz.  Porbi,  Porbiche  =  Purbeck  (Do.),  Tori  =  Torridge  (Dv.)  <  O.E. 
Toric,  Earle.  The  forms  without  c  are,  no  doubt,  only  spellings  on  the  ana- 
logy of  such  double  forms  as  Albert,  Alberic,  Baldri,  Baldric,  D.B.  etc.  See 
HILDEBKAND,  p.  349;  MACKEL,  p.  146.  —  Torix,  D.B.  <  Toric,  may  in  the 
same  way  be  compared  to  such  pairs  as  Perdix,  Perdriz,  E.B.,  and  is  best 
explained  as  a  sort  of  false  latinizing.  As  for  modern  Beverley  (Du.)  < 
O.E.  Beoferlic,  A.S.  Chr.,  Beverli:  transi,  Gaimar  (cf.  WESTPHAL,  p.  23)  we 
refer  to  §  8.  The  form  Beoferlic  in  the  A.S.  Chr.  is  hardly  etymologically 
correct;  the  c  is  either  due  to  faulty  orthography,  or  to  A.N.  sound- 
substitution. 


<$  E.  E.  Zachrisson 

We  have  examined  several  documents  of  a  somewhat  more 
recent  date  than  D.B.  in  order  to  ascertain  the  frequency  of  the 
French  forms  with  initial  ce,  ci  in  comparison  with  the  English 
ones  in  che,  chi.  From  this  examination  all  places  in  -cester, 
-Chester  are  excepted,  as  also  the  few  other  cases  in  which  the 
A.N.  forms  prevailed:  Li.S.,  ce,  ci,  with  great  consistency;  Inq. 
El.  and  I.C.C.,  ce,  ci  and  che,  chi,  of  which  the  former  are  a 
little  more 'usual  than  the  latter;  Fr.Ch.,  ce,  ci  and  che,  chi.  In  the 
Index  (12c.)  we  find  by  the  side  of  numerous  ch-  forms  a  few 
in  ce,  ci.  The  Np.S.  has  only  ch  (8  X).  The  O.E.  personal 
names  in  Gaimar  appear  generally  with  ce  seldom  with  che.  Cf. 
RATHMANN,  p.  57.  From  the  beginning  of  the  loth  cent,  the 
French  forms  are  in  an  absolute  minority.  We  have  gone  through 
the  first  volume  of  the  Ch.R.,  and  only  found  the  following  in- 
stances: Cistelet  =  Chistlett  (Ke.),  Ceddre  (1227)  =  Cheddar  (Sm.), 
Certesey  =  Chertsey  (Sr.),  Cettre  =  Chitierne  (Wl.).  A  few  more 
may  be  added  from  the  Index:  Cercelle  (Hen.  III.)  =  Churchill 
(Ox.),  Cerde  (Edw.  I.)  =  Chard  (Sm.),  Cisselberg  (1250)  =  Chisel- 
borough  (Sm.).  In  the  T.N.  and  the  H.R.  c  is,  on  the  whole, 
very  rare;  we  have  noted  only  a  small  number  of  cases.  In  the 
14th  and  15th  cent,  ch  is  the  rule.  The  exceptions  are  few.  The 
Index  has  Cedene  =  Cheddon  (Sm.);  in  the  F.A.  we  find  Seriton 
(1346)  =  Cheriton  (Ke.),  and  a  few  more  as  late  as  1428:  Ceder 
=  Cheddar  (Sm.),  Cynnok  =  Chinuock  (Sm.),  Cicelbere  =  Chisel- 
borough  (Sm.).  The  French  forms,  which  predominated  in  D.B. 
and  the  Li.S.,  have,  with  a  few  exceptions,  quite  disappeared, 
300  years  later. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  examine  more  closely  the  cases  in 
which  the  A.N.  forms  have  prevailed. 

In  place-names  from  O.E.  ceaster  the  A.N.  influence  has 
been  of  a  very  thorough-going  nature.  To  account  for  this  we 
must  bear  in  mind  that  a  great  many  of  these  places  were  in 
the  Middle  Ages  very  important  and  flourishing  towns,  which 
played  an  important  political  or  ecclesiastical  part.  That  this 
latter  circumstance  was  apt  to  favour  the  French  influence,  we 
have  already  pointed  out.  Cf.  Introduction,  p.  15.  Indeed  in  a  few 
cases  where  the  English  forms  have  gained  the  victory,  the  A.N. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  29 

forms  are  still  in  use  —  but  only  as  episcopal  signatures: 
Cicestr  =  Chichester,  Cestr  =  Chester  1. 

That  many  French  forms  were  more  in  use  and  had,  so 
to  speak,  their  stronghold  among  scholars  and  book-learned  men, 
who  often  may  have  known  Latin  and  French  better  than  Eng- 
lish, is  sometimes  clearly  indicated  by  the  very  distribution  of 
the  forms.  In  a  collection  of  La.  Records,  Ducatus  Lancastrise, 
Inquisitiones  post  mortem  (1485—1625),  Manchester,  the  most 
important  place  of  this  county,  appears  both  as  Manchester  and 
Mancestre  in  the  Latin  parts,  but  only  as  Manchester  in  the 
English  parts  of  the  book.  —  In  Magna  Britannia  we  find 
Lanchester  as  the  regular  form  of  the  Northumbrian  town  of  that 
name,  whereas  an  abbey  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  the 
town  is  spoken  of  as  Langcester  2. 

For  some  places  the  A.N.  forms  are  in  such  a  majority 
that  we  hardly  meet  with  any  English  ones.  This  is  the  case 
with  Gloucester,  Leicester,  and  Worcester,  which  we  have  found 
in  their  native  forms  only  in  La3amon  and  in  the  Proclamation 
of  King  Henry.  In  La3amon's  Brut  the  forms  in  -Chester  seem  — 
in  spite  of  Wace's  invariable  -cestre  —  to  have  been  the  original 
ones.  Only  here  we  find  JExechcestre  and  Cherinchestre  =  Exeter 
and  Cirencester,  and  the  few  instances  of  -cester  in  the  MS. A. 
are,  no  doubt,  the  work  of  the  copyist.  It  does  not  at  all 
astonish  us  that  La3amon,  the  great  patriot  and  sworn  enemy 
of  the  French  intruders,  should  prefer  the  native  forms.  In  the 
MS.B.  the  copyist  has  made  use  of  the  cester-  forms  in  all  cases 
where  they  are  still  found  in  Mod.  English. 

In  course  of  time  the  native  forms  have  slowly  gained 
ground,  so  that  many  French  forms  of  frequent  occurrence  as 
late  as  the  loth  c.  are  now  replaced  by  the  corresponding  Eng- 
lish ones.  In  R.  of  Gloucester's  chronicle  we  find  -cester  as  well 
as  -Chester  for  nearly  all  modern  chester-towns,  while  Capgrave 
about  a  hundred  years  later  has  nearly  the  same  distribution  as 
Mod.  English. 


1  Of.    THE    CHUKCHMAN'S   POCKET   BOOK,    1906,  p.  179  ff.,  where  we 
note    some    more    archaic    forms    in  the  same  use:    Cantuar,    Winton,  Exon, 
Norvic,  Oxon,  Dunelm,  Sarum  etc. 

2  Lancester  used  as  a  personal  name  is  recorded  as  late  as  1790.     Of. 
BABDSLEY,  Die.,  p.  466. 


30  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

There  is,  however,  even  in  some  works  of  the  18th  c.  not 
exactly  the  same  proportion  between  French  and  native  forms 
as  there  is  now.  A  comparison  between  all  places  in  -Chester 
and  -cester  here  treated  and  their  equivalents  in  Camden's  Britan- 
nia shows  that,  at  least  in  one  case,  Carnden  prefers  the  French 
forms,  viz.  Silcester,  I,  p.  147  =  Silchester  (Ha.).  Though  Dor- 
chester (Ox.)  keeps  its  regular  form  in  the  tex4  itself,  it  occurs 
as  Dorcester  on  the  appended  map  of  Oxfordshire.  -  -  Modern 
Outchester  (Nb.),  Ulecester,  T.N.,  is  still  called  Ulecester  in  M.Br. l. 

That  the  A.N.  forms  have  prevailed  in  Cerne  (Do.)  is  by 
no  means  astonishing,  for  the  place  was  already  in  O.E.  times 
famous  for  its  old  abbey,  which  is  supposed  to  have  been 
founded  by  St.  Austin,  the  apostle  of  the  English.  See  CAMDEN 
I,  p.  56  2. 

Just  as  the  prevalence  of  the  cester-  forms  in  many  small 
places  may  be  due  to  the  influence  of  such  great  and  import- 
ant towns  as  Exeter,  Gloucester  etc.,  Cerne  may  have  contri- 
buted to  the  victory  of  the  A.N.  forms  in  Cerney,  Cerney 
Wick  etc.  3. 


1  In  this  place  we  will  call  attention  to  a  few  places  in  -cester  the 
names  of  which  are  now  obliterated  from  the  English  map.  In  the  D.B.  of 
Essex  we  find  Effecestre,  and  in  the  F.A.  for  the  same  county,  Wibcester. 
More  examples  occur  in  CAMDEN:  —  »In  this  part  of  the  county  (Li.)  stood 
formerly  the  city  Sidnacester,  once  the  seat  of  the  Bishops  of  those  Parts, 
who  were  call'd  Bishops  of  the  Lindifarii;  now  neither  ruins  nor  name  are 
in  being*,  (I,  p.  571  f.);  »In  this  place  (Le.)  stood  once  a  very  nourishing  city 
call'd  Cley-cester»,  (I,  p.  531);  » Whoever  views  the  neighbouring  heap  of  rub- 
bish, which  is  now  called  Colecester*  (Nb.,  II,  p.  1085). 

1  The  great  veneration  which  the  place  enjoyed  is  piously  expressed 
by  the  following  curious  etymology  in  La3amon,  v.  29674  ff.: 

pene  stude  he  (St.  Austin)  cleopede  Cernele. 

cerno,  cernis; 

fat  is  Latin  ful  iwis. 

cerno  an  Englisc  leodc  ; 

ich  iseo  swa  hit  is  iqueoen. 

el  is  Ebreounsc; 

pat  is  godd  ful  iwis. 

pen?  tun  he  cleopede  Cernel; 

ich  iseo  drihten  iwildel. 

'  We  may  add  that  association  with  the  etymon  cerne,  seme,  cherne 
(Godefroy),  not  uncommon  in  French  place-names  may  have  contributed  to- 
give  credit  to  the  A.N.  forms.  In  the  Topographical  Dictionaries  of  Marne- 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  31 

Besides  Whissonsett  and  Messing,  where  medial  (t/i)  has 
been  replaced  by  (tsi)  >  si,  we  have  noted  one  case  of  s  for  me- 
dial (t/)  before  a  following  et  viz.  Ticehurst  (Ss.),  pron.  (tais). 
Old  forms  are  Tycheneherste  (1180),  Cumbwell  Ch.;  Tycheshurst 
(1295),  Ch.R.;  Ticehurst  (1321— 30),  Ticheshurst,  Tyshurst(138l—Sb\ 
Tysherst  (1399—1401),  P.R.;  Tycheshurst  (1426),  Tyseherst  (1543), 
Index.  The  first  element  seems  to  contain  O.E.  ticcen,  Mdf., 
p.  134.  To  account  for  s  in  this  word  it  is  not  necessary  to 
assume  French  influence;  ch  may  have  been  dropped  before  s 
after  the  syncopation  of  unstressed  e.  Cf.  Tisted  (Ha.)  <  O.E. 
Ticcestede,  Birch  786.  A  pronunciation  (tis)  would  then  have 
been  the  regular  one.  The  occurrence  of  (ai)  obviously  points 
to  French  influence,  unless  it  can  be  explained  as  due  to  spell- 
ing-pron.  Cf.  the  discussion  on  Riding,  Clive  §  6. 

Although  several  instances  of  French  (ts)  for  English  (t/) 
in  final  position  have  been  noted,  the  French  forms  have  not 
prevailed  save  in  a  few  cases.  Chatteris  (Cb.),  already  in  the 
Conqueror's  time  a  famous  abbey,  appears  still  in  a  form  of 
pronunciation  similar  to  the  one  which  was  used  by  its  French 
inmates.  -  -  The  little  river  Hiz,  on  which  the  old  town  of  Hichin 
is  situated,  has  probably  derived  its  name  from  the  town,  and 
exhibits  the  French  form.  -  -  To  judge  from  the  form  Dice,  D.B. 
—  where,  however,  c  may  stand  for  s  -  -  Diss  (Nf.)  should  be  a 
third  example  of  the  French  forms  having  prevailed. 

Only  few  attempts  have  been  made  to  elucidate  the  ques- 
tions we  have  treated  in  this  paragraph.  MORSBACH,  Urkunden, 
p.  88,  has  a  short  note  on  Gloucester,  Leicester,  Worcester,  the 
modern  forms  of  which  he  rightly  ascribes  to  French  spelling 
and  pronunciation  without  defining  more  closely  the  nature  of 
the  French  influence. 

WESTPHAL,  p.  22,  makes  several  objections  to  the  theory 
of  sound-substitution:  »Die  Stufe  (t/)  war  dem  Gemeinfran- 

zosischen  des  12.  Jahrhunderts  gelaufig  vor  e  in  Wortern  wie 
cheval  (=  lat.  caballus],  dem  Pik.  in  Wortern  wie  chest  =  ecce  iste.» 
The  force  of  these  arguments  is  considerably  reduced  if  we  con- 
sider: (1)  that  e.  A.N.  is  almost  free  from  Picard  influence;  (2) 

and  Calvados  we  find  several  places  called  Cernay  with  old  forms  like 
Cerneium  (1260),  Cyrneium  (1234),  Cernacum  (1303),  Cerneium  (1310),  Sernayum, 
Charny  (14  c.),  Cernay  (1411). 


32  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

that  the  number  of  such  words  as  cheval  was  very  inconsiderable 
in  comparison  with  the  many  others  which  had  ce;  (3)  that  in  the 
earliest  A.N.  texts  cha,  ca  are  in  those  words  quite  as  usual  as 
che,  ce,  and  may  have  been  still  more  so  at  the  time  of  the 
Conquest. 

A  theory  of  MAYHEW,  Academy  1240,  p.  17  (cf.  also 
TAYLOR,  Names,  p.  32  ff.),  according  to  which  the  modern  cester- 
forms  are  confined  to  the  old  Mercian  Kingdom,  where  in  O.E. 
times  W.S.  ceaster,  Northumbrian  caster  appears  as  cester,  is 
easily  confuted,  as  a  glance  at  the  lists  of  forms  heading  this 
paragraph  is  sufficient  to  show  that  Chester  and  cester  occur 
promiscuously  in  the  most  different  parts  of  England,  and,  conse- 
quently, dialectal  influence  is  left  out  of  the  question. 


Appendix  A.     The  symbols  c  and  ch  in  early  A.N. 
and  M.E.  texts.  — 

To  judge  with  some  certainty  of  the  various  forms  in  which 
the  place-names  treated  in  this  paragraph  appear,  it  will  be 
necessary  to  establish  what  values  are  to  be  assigned  to  the 
symbols  c,  ch  in  A.N.  and  English  texts  from  the  time  after  the 
Conquest. 

1.     Value  of  c,  ch  in  A.N.  texts. 

With  the  value  of  (k)  ch  was  used  already  in  Latin  origi- 
nally to  render  Greek  /  in  words  borrowed  from  that  language. 
Cf.  MAOKEL,  p.  130.  Possibly  in  imitation  of  this  Latin  habit 
we  find  it  in  some  very  early  (8th  and  9th  cent.)  French  or 
rather  Frankish  documents  used  by  the  side  of  c  to  render 
Teutonic  (7)  before  consonants,  and  strongly  aspirated  (h)  before 
vowels  in  proper  names  like  Chlodovius,  Charialdus,  Sygichelme  etc. 
<*hlupa,  *harja,  *helma.  Cf.  WALDEMATH,  Die  frankischeu  Ele- 
mente  in  der  franz.  Sprache  (Diss.  Strassburg  1885),  p.  40,  p.  42, 
p.  44.  In  both  cases  the  value  of  ch  was  probably  (k)  as  in 
Latin.  This  (k)  has  been  handed  down  to  our  time  in  French 
Clovis,  the  archaic  form  of  the  name  of  first  Merovingian,  whose 
modern  correspondence  is  Louis,  and  perhaps  in  chemise,  Vulg. 
Lat.  camisia.  Cf.  MACKEL,  p.  131. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  33 

In  the  earliest  A.N.  MSS.  ch  has  certainly  the  double  value 
of  (k)  and  (if).  In  fact,  h  is  put  after  c  as  a  sort  of  diacritic 
sign,  denoting  that  ch  followed  by  a  certain  vowel  is  to  have  a 
pronunciation  different  from  the  one  which  is  generally  assigned 
to  c  before  the  same  vowel. 

The  following  short  analysis  of  the  use  of  ch  and  c  before 
the  different  vowels  is  chiefly  based  on  investigations  of  e.  A.N. 
texts  by  BUHLE,  Das  C  im  Lambspringer  Alexius  etc.  (Diss. 
-Greifswald  1881),  VARNHAGEN,  Das  altnormannische  C  (Zeitschrift 
fur  Rom.  Phil.  Ill),  and  BEETZ,  C  und  Ch  vor  lat.  A. 

ch  and  c  before  a  <  Lat.  ca  in  texts  of  the  12th  c.  are 
by  Varnhagen  and  Buhle  taken  to  denote  the  same  sound 
probably  (t/).  BEHRENS,  p.  204,  has  pointed  out,  however,  that, 
as  far  as  the  French  loan-words  in  English  are  concerned,  c  in 
this  position  always  denotes  (k),  while  ch  stands  for  (t/).  We  are, 
consequently,  obliged  to  assume  with  Beetz  that  in  Norman  and 
A.N.  both  pronunciations  existed,  (k)  originally  representing  the 
•dialect  of  the  North  of  Normandy,  (t/)  that  of  the  South.  In 
the  course  of  the  12th  cent,  ch  gets  the  upper  hand,  at  least 
orthographically,  probably  on  account  of  the  growing  influence 
of  the  Isle  de  France  dialect.  Cf.  BEETZ,  p.  66  f. 

Before  i,  ch  denotes  (k),  c  stands  for  (ts)  <  Lat.  ci  etc. 

Before  e,  ch  denotes  (k),  c  (ts)  <  Lat.  ce  etc.  In  one  case, 
however,  ch  may  stand  for  (t/),  viz.  in  words  originally  containing 
Latin  ca  in  open  syllables.  In  such  forms  as  rief,  ceval  <  Lat. 
*capum,  caballum,  c  has  been  kept  as  the  historic  spelling,  but 
may  have  the  value  of  (t/). 

Picard  (t/e),  (t/i)  <  Lat.  ce,  ci  etc.  is  in  A.N.  rather  unusual 
and  of  sporadic  occurrence.  For  references  cf.  STIMMING  p.  233. 
His  earliest  examples  are  from  Les  Eois  (c.  1170)  and  Brandan 
(c.  1200).  Those  are,  however,  looked  upon  as  mere  mistakes  by 
BUHLE,  p.  24,  and  SCHLOSSER,  p.  75.  WAHLBERG,  Le  Bestiaire 
de  Philippe  de  Thaiin  (Lund  1900),  p.  XCIV,  takes  a  similar 
view,  when  judging  of  a  few  similar  instances  from  this  text. 
The  original  had  c  =  (ts);  ch  is  probably  a  false  spelling. 

Before  u,  ch  and  u  denote  (k). 

Before  o  <  Lat.  o,  c  and  ch  denote  (k),  but  before  o  <  Lat 
au,  ch  has,  of  course,  the  value  of  (t/). 

Our  results  may  be  briefly  summed  up  as  follows: 

3 


34  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

c(d)  =  (k) :  camp  <  campum  ;  ch(a}  =  (if) :  champ  <  campum. 

c(i)  =  (ts) :  cil  <  ecce  ille  ;chi=l.  (k) :  chi  <  qui,  2.  (t/)  spo- 
radically and  in  comparatively  late  texts:  Jrunchist,  Ipomedon, 
v.  2390.  Cf.  STIMMENG,  p.  233. 

c(e}  =  1.  (ts)  :  cent  <  centum,  2.  (t/) :  ceval  <  caballum. 

ck(e)  =  1.  (k) :  unches  <  unquam,  2.  (t/) :  cheval  <  caballum, 
jeche,  Ipomedon,  v.  875  <  vicem. 

c(u),  ch(u)  =  (k) :  cure  <  curam,  auchun  <  *alicunum. 

c(o)  =  (k):  cor  <  comw;  cfe(o)  =  1.  (t/):  dtase  <  causam,  2.  (k): 
eschor dement,  Bestiary,  v.  2776  <  cordem. 

Apart  from  position  before  a  certain  vowel,  ch  may  always 
denote  (k)  in  some  learned  words,  especially  personal  names 
derived  from  Greek  or  Latin,  e.g.  Achanius,  Wace,  Acharies, 
Alexius,  see  BUHLE,  p.  20,  p.  21. 

Contrary  to  what  is  supposed  by  HILDEBRAND,  p.  359,  we 
are  of  opinion  that  c  and  ch  in  D.B.  are  used  in  conformation 
to  the  rules  given  above.  In  purely  French  words  ca  alternates 
with  cha,  ce  occurs  for  Latin  ce :  Salceid  <  Salicetum  =  Saussay ; 
we  find  c(i)e  by  the  side  of  ch(i)e  <  Latin  ca  in  open  syllables : 
Cheure,  Chieure,  Cieure  <  capram  etc.  Cf.  HILDEBRAND,  p.  333, 
p.  342. 

It  may  be  of  some  interest  to  give  a  short  account  of  the 
various  ways  in  which  the  sound  of  (k)  is  expressed  before  e 
and  i  in  some  of  the  early  documents  we  have  consulted.  D.B. 
has  mostly  ch,  more  seldom  Jc,  qu  (cf.  STOLZE,  p.  42  f.);  a  few 
instances  of  c  may  either  be  explained  as  mere  errors,  or  the 
forms  have  been  more  or  less  directly  copied  from  O.E.  originals 
in  which  c,  of  course,  had  the  double  value  of  (k)  and  (t/).  The 
same  explanation  may  be  adopted  for  sporadic  c  by  the  side  of 
ch,  k  in  Gaimar:  Chenret,  v.  1566,  Renret,  v.  1599  <  O.E.  Cen- 
rcd,  A.S.  Chr.,  but  Cenwalh,  v.  1403,  Cenwaille,  v.  1356  <  O.E. 
Cenwealh,  A.S.  Chr.  The  Lincolnshire  Survey,  this  very  old  (1119) 
and  as  to  its  orthography  much  more  consistent  document  than 
D.B.,  has  ch  almost  exclusively.  The  LEI.  and  the  I.C.C.  (1180)  have  ch 
and  /;,  of  which  ch  is  the  more  usual;  the  R.B.,  ch  and  &;  the  Index, 
ch  and  7c;  the  Fr.Ch.,  ch  and  k.  In  the  short  but  very  interesting 
Northhampton  Survey  (end  of  12th  c.)  we  only  find  &  (5  X).  In 
Westphal's  examples  from  English  chronicles  it  strikes  us  that  /• 
is  much  more  usual  than  ch.  After  the  12th  cent,  we  have  not 


Anglo-Xorman  influence  on  English  place-names  35 

been  able  to  find  one  single  instance  of  ch—'k  before  front 
vowels.  On  the  other  hand  ch,  now  as  well  as  in  .earlier  MSS., 
occasionally  occurs  with  the  value  of  (k)  before  back  vowels  and 
consonants:  (Jhneija  (1268),  Ch.R.  =  Knaith  (Li.);  ( Walter  of)  Corf- 
gate,  Choriet,  Corefat  (c.  1275),  Gl.  Records.  Thus  ch  predomi- 
nates in  the  earliest  MSS.,  but  is  in  the  course  of  the  12th  cent, 
slowly  superseded  by  k. 


2.      Value  of  c,  ch  in  early  English. 

We  will  now  try  and  set  forth  the  most  salient  points  in 
the  use  of  ch  as  an  orthographical  symbol  in  English.  As  to 
literature  on  the  subject  cf.  KLUGE,  Paul's  Gr.,  p.  990;  RITTER, 
Die  Verteilung  der  ch-  und  &-forrnen,  p.  5,  and  above  all  the 
excellent  account  given  by  WYLD  in  the  Transactions  of  the 
Philological  Society,  1899—1902,  p.  140  ff. 

ch  was  very  often  used  both  in  O.E.  and  M.E.  to  denote 
the  guttural  or  palatal  spirant  (/) 1. 

In  early  M.E.  it  seems,  moreover,  to  have  been  adopted 
from  French  in  the  special  use  of  distinguishing  between  (k)  and 
(t/).  At  first  h  after  c  was,  just  as  in  French,  only  a  diacritic 
sign;  consequently,  ch  could  stand  both  for  (k)  and  (if).  Towards 
the  end  of  the  12th  cent,  ch  occurs  more  frequently,  and  has 
now  nearly  always  the  value  of  (t/).  In  some  texts  from  the 
beginning  of  the  13th  c.  (Ancren  Riwle,  La^amon  etc.)  final  c 
may  occasionally  have  the  value  of  (t/);  otherwise  we  may  con- 
sider ch  for  (t/)  by  this  time  as  an  orthographical  rule.  The  only 
exceptions  to  this  rule  are,  of  course,  M.E.  copies  of  O.E.  origi- 
nals, in  which  the  old  spelling  either  prevails,  or  is  at  least  to 
a  great  extent  preserved  by  the  side  of  the  new  one.  Lastly,  we 
must  not  forget  that  in  English  on  the  whole  ch  may  always 
denote  (k)  in  learned  words,  borrowed  from  Greek  or  Latin,  as 
also  in  a  great  many  foreign  personal  names.  Thus,  although 
Orrmulum  with  very  great  consistency  writes  ch  for  (t/),  we  find 
just  in  the  personal  names  of  this  text  some  instances  of  ch  = 


A)  In  O.E.  a  few  sporadic  instances  of  ch  =  (k)  have  been  noted.  Cf. 
Miss  LEA,  Language  of  the  North.  Gloss  (Anglia  XVI),  p.  128,  BOUTEKWEK, 
North.  Evang.  CXXXVIII.  Cf.  also  WYLD,  p.  140. 


36  fi.  E.  Zachrisson 

(k).  See  REICHMANN,  Die  Eigennamen  im  Orrmulum,  p.  81  (Stud. 
zur  Engl.  Phil.,  herausg.  von  Morsbach,  XXV). 

The  following  account  of  the  use  of  ch  in  some  of  our 
earliest  M.E.  MSS.  tends  to  prove  the  correctness  of  what  has 
been  said  above.  If  not  otherwise  stated,  c  is  the  usual  way  of 
denoting  both  (k)  and  (t/)  in  the  texts  considered  below. 

Laws  of  Canute  (MS.  A,  c.  1120),  ch  =  (k):'fokhisne;  ch  = 
(t/):  michel  Cf.  L.  WROBLEWSKI  (Diss.  Berlin  1901),  p.  52. 

Textus  Roffensis  (MS.  1130—50),  ch  =  (k):  Falche-Jalchen- 
ham.  Cf.  W.  GORNEMANN  (Diss.  Berlin  1901),  p.  44. 

A.S.  Chr.  (1137),  ch  =  (k):  rachenteges. 

Herbarium  Apuleii  (MS.  c.  1150),  ch  =  (t/):  drenche,  wyrche.  Cf. 
BERBERICH  in  Anglist.  Forsch.  5,  p.  29. 

Kentish  Gospels  (MS.  Hatton  38,  c.  1150),  ch  =  (tj)  quite 
often;  ch  =  (k)  principally  in  foreign  words.  Cf.  WYLD,  p.  141. 

Poema  Morale  (MS.  Lambeth  487,  c.  1170),  ch  for  (t/) 
seems  to  be  the  rule. 

Abingdon  Chartulary  (MSS.  1200,  1260,  late  copies  of  -O.E. 
charters),  ch  =  (t/)  quite  often ;  ch  =  (k) :  Dorchecestere,  Bochelande. 
Cf.  F.  LANGER  (Berlin  1904),  p.  71  £. 

M.E.  version  of  the  Rule  of  Saint  Benet  (MS.  c.  1200), 
ch  =  (t/)  quite  often.  Cf.  J.  TACHAUER  (Diss.  Wiirzburg  1906),  p.  9. 

O.E.  Homilies  (MS.  Vesp.  A  22,  c.  1200),  ch  =  (tf)  quite 
often;  ch  =  (k):  dierchin.  Cf.  WYLD,  p.  141. 

La3amon's  Brut  (MS.  A,  c.  1222,  MS.  B,  c.  1275),  ch  = 
(if)  is  the  rule;  ch  =  (k}:  awachede,  A,  v.  2685.  Cf.  LUCHT  (Palaes- 
tra XLIX)  p.  73. 

Kentish  Sermons  (MS.  Laud  471,  c.  1200—50)  ch  is  always 
used  for  (t/).  Cf.  WYLD,  p.  142. 

Consequently,  in  the  beginning  of  the  13th  cent,  ch  is 
nearly  always  put  to  denote  (t/);  ch  =  (k)  in  native  words  is  after 
this  time  extremely  rare.  In  the  Paston  Letters  we  find  one 
instance,  i.e.  dronchyn  =  druncen;  see  NEUMANN,  p.  73.  For 
instances  of  ch  =  (k)  in  learned  words  see  NEUMANN,  p.  73,  RU- 
DOLF, Die  engl.  Orthograhie,  p.  40,  KOEPPEL,  Spelling-pron., 
p.  31. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  37 

Appendix  B.     The  transition  of  (ts)  to  s  in  O.Fr. 
The  date  of  the  D.B.  MSS.  - 

The  sound-combination  (ts)  became  s  in  both  Continental 
French  and  A.N.  Authors  do  not  agree  as  to  the  time  when  this 
transition  took  place.  To  judge  from  rhymes  in  Computus  and 
Gaimar  final  (ts)  of  various  provenience  seems  to  have  become  s 
already  towards  the  beginning  of  the  12th  cent.  Cf,  STIMMING, 
p.  230.  Unfinal  (ts)  may  have  been  kept  somewhat  longer. 
NYROP,  Gramm.  §  404,  assumes  for  the  transition  so  late  a  date 
as  the  13th  cent.  MEYER-LUBKE,  Gramm.  1  §  406,  thinks  it  goes 
as  far  back  as  the  12th  cent.  Several  early  spellings  with  so  and 
s  for  c  <  Lat.  ce,  ci  etc.  may  be  quoted  in  favour  of  this  view.  See 
STIMMING,  p.  232  f.  Cf.  also  Scessuns  (1127),  A.S.  Chr.  =  Sois- 
sons  <.  Suessionis  (QUICHERAT,  p.  17);  Scand  laudan,  ibid.  =  Saint 
Lo  (Manche).  The  latter  example  is  perhaps  not  quite  so  con- 
clusive; See  often  occurs  as  a  shortening  of  Sancte,  and,  conse- 
quently, Scand  may  be  an  orthographic  blending  of  Sancte 
and  See. 

That  nearly  all  French  loan-words  in  English  exhibit  s  does 
not  prove  very  much,  as  on  the  one  hand  the  unusual  initial 
sound- combination  (ts)  may  have  been  replaced  by  6-,  on  the 
other  assimilation  of  (ts)  to  s  is  usual  in  English  itself.  Cf. 
KLUGE,  Paul's  Gr.,  p.  1012.  In  Fitz  the  old  pronunciation  has 
been  kept,  in  spite  of  (ts)  becoming  s  quite  early  in  this  posi- 
tion. We  must,  however,  keep  in  mind  that  Fitz  mostly  occurred 
as  part  of  a  personal  name,  in  which,  contrary  to  the  rules 
ordinary  words  are  subjected  to,  an  archaic  pronunciation  may 
very  well  have  been  preserved.  As  for  Mod.  E.  assets  <  O.Fr. 
asez  there  is  strong  evidence  for  believing  that  the  spelling  has 
influenced  the  pron.  For  instances  of  early  forms  (16th  c.  and 
later)  see  N.E.D. 

A  very  curious  and  hitherto  unnoticed  circumstance  is  that 
in  D.B.  s,  sc,  c  are  interchangeable  in  the  spelling  not  only  of 
the  English,  but  also  of  some  purely  French  words,  viz.  Corcel, 
Corscella,  Coursella  =  Courcelles,  Wissand,  Wiscant  =  Wissant.  Cf. 
HILDEBRAND,  p.  334,  p.  345. 

The  following  instances  of  interchange  in  English  words 
may  also  very  well  be  worth  mentioning. 


38  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

1.  c  for  O,E.  s:  Nacefeld  =  Nesfield  (Yo.),  Nesse-,  Nesefeld, 
Yo.  K.Q.,  Yo.  N.V.  <  O.E.  nces,  ness,  Mdf.,  p.  97;  Torgis,  Exch. 
D.B.  of  Dv.  against  Torgic  in  the  Exon  version  <  O.E.  Thurgils, 
Searle. 

2.  *    for    O.E.   c  =  (t/):  Ciltendis,  -die  =  Childerditch  (Es.), 
Chiltendich,    H.R.,    T.N.  <  O.E.   die;  Belicolt,  Berisout  =  Bircholt 
(Ke.),  Biricholt  (1204),  Ke.  P.F.  <  O.E.  %rce,  fync,  Mdf.,   p.  23; 
Cecandene,    Secendune  =  Checkendon    (Ox.);    Loteis  =  Lutwyche 
(Sh.),  Lolwich,  H.R.  <  O.E.  wic;  Hancese  =  Hanchurch  (St.) 

3.  sc  for  O.E.  c  =  (t/):  Beriscolt  =  Bircholt  (Ke.);  Flescinges 
=  Fletching  (Ss.),  Flechyng  (14  c.),  C.R.,  P.R. 

But  the  graphic  confusion  goes  further  still.  O.E.  sc  =  (/) 
is  in  D.B.  generally  rendered  by  sch,  sc,  s  (cf.  STOLZE,  p.  45), 
and  c  appears  not  unfrequently  even  for  such  an  s,  sc,  sch. 

4.  c    for  O.E.  sc  =  (/):  Celdestone  =  Shalstone  (Bu  )  --  the 
Ch.R.    have    sc,  the  T.N.  sh,  the  H.R.  s  —  <  O.E.  sceoWe,  Mdf., 
p.  Ill;   Celdefordam,  Scaldefort  =  Shalford  (Es.),  Scaldeford,  H.R., 
Shaldeford,    F.A.  <  O.E.    scealde;    Ece  =  Ash    (Ke.)  <  O.E.    <esc, 
Mdf.  p.  9 ;  Keilmerse,  Cailmarc  (the  latter  form  may  also  be  due 
to    confusion    with    marca,    marc,    very    usual  in  Norman  place- 
names,    cf.    QUICHEKAT,    p.    121)  =  Kehnarsh    (Np.);  Celdeslai  = 
Shelsley    (Wo.),    Sceldeslege    (12    c.)   (cf.  DUIGNAN,  Wo.  Pl.Ns.,  p. 
148);    Caldeslai  =  Shelsley  Walsh  (Wo.),  Sceldeley  Walleys  (1275) 
(cf.  DUIGNAN,  p.  148);  Calvrestot,  Celrestuis  =  Shelvestrode,  manor 
in  East  Grinsted   (Ss.),  Shelvistrode  (1411),  Ss.  S.R.  <  O.E.  scylf, 
scelf,    Mdf.,    p.    114;    the    second    element    of    the    D.B.  form  is 
probably  due  to  association  with  such  usual  Norman  place-names 
as  Hottot,  Thuit,  see  JORET,  p.  53,  p.  81. 

This  double  use  of  c  for  O.E.  c  =  (if)  and  O.E.  sc  =  (/)  will 
perhaps  account  for  a  few  more  very  peculiar  spellings  in  D.B. 
By  the  side  of  regular  Tacesbroc  we  have  noted  the  curious  form 
Taschebroc  =  Tachbrook  (Wa.).  If  sometimes  c  could  stand  not 
only  for  c  =  O.E.  (t/),  but  also  for  s,  sc,  sch  =  O.E.  (/),  sch  may 
here  have  been  thoughtlessly  written  for  c.  Moreover,  Chenet- 
jeldam  by  the  side  of  Scenefeldam  =  Shenfield  (Es.)  is  perhaps 
nothing  but  one  more  instance  of  c  for  s,  ch  being  occasionally 
used  in  D.B.  to  render  O.E.  c  =  (t/)  before  e. 

All  these  comparatively  numerous  cases  of  orthographic  in- 
terchange between  s,  sc,  c  in  D.B.  seem  to  indicate  that,  at  the 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  39 

time  when  the  present  MSS.  of  Liber  Censualis  were  written,  the 
transition  of  (ts)  >  s  had  already  commenced.  On  the  other 
hand,  as  such  spellings  are  rare  even  in  texts  from  the  middle 
of  the  12th  cent.,  we  can  hardly  account  for  their  appearance 
here  without  assuming  that  the  Exon  and  Exchequer  MSS., 
contrary  to  a  general  belief,  are  not  originals  but  only  12th  cent, 
copies  of  untraceable  originals. 

In  documents  of  somewhat  more  recent  date  than  D.B.  we 
have  noted  a  few  instances  of  s  for  c,  and  vice-versa,  in  a  posi- 
tion where  c  generally  has  the  value  of  (k),  and  these,  con- 
sequently, are  to  be  considered  as  still  more  glaring  mistakes  by 
thoughtless  scribes.  They,  of  course,  owe  their  origin  to  the 
circumstance  that,  as  we  have  already  seen,  c  in  some  positions 
-  before  e,  i  -  -  might  have  the  value  of  s. 

1.  s    for    c:    Salthorn,    Yo.    N.V.  =  Cawthorne    (Yo.),    Cal- 
torn,  D.B. 

2.  c  for  s. 

a.  Before    a    vowel:    Cadintone  (1210),  R.B.  =  Saddington 
(Li.);  ColeU,  R.B.  =  Sulby  (Np.),  Side-,  Solely,  Index;  Callay,Yo. 
N.V.  =  Sawley  (Yo.),  Sallai,  D.B.;  Sampson,  the  name  of  a  Wo. 
bishop,  appears  in  the  Fr.  Ch.  as  Canson,  Sanson. 

b.  Before  a  consonant:   Clipton  (1428),  F.A.  =  Slipton  (Np.), 
besides  always  Slipton  in  the  F.A.;  Kectevene,  Kesctevene,  Kestevene, 
H.R.  =  Kesteven    (Li.).     For    similar    instances  see  RUDOLF,   Die 
engl.  Orthographic,  p.  37. 


§  2.    Anglo-Norman  (t)  is  substituted  for  English  initial  ([>). 

1.     The  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  prevailed. 

1 .  Tingrith  (Bd.)  <  O.E.  ping,  Mdf.,  p.  139.  Of.  pingleah,  Kemble, 
pinghow,  Thorpe.  2.  Turnworth  (Do.)  <  O.E.  porn,  Mdf.,  p.  139,  very  usual 
both  as  the  first  and  the  second  element  of  a  place-name.  Cf.  Thornby 
Np.).  Turneby,  Ch.R.  I;  Thornbury  (Gl.),  Turneberie,  D.B.,  Thornebir',  Torneber, 
H.K.,  Torneb'i,  T.N.,  Thornebiria,  Ch.R.  II,  Torbyri  (1284),  F.A.  3.  Tormerton 
(GL).  The  first  element  is,  no  doubt,  due  to  O.E.  Thurmcer,  Thurmer,  Searle. 
The  D.B.  form,  on  the  other  hand,  points  to  O.E.  Thurmund,  though  n  may 
be  an  error  for  r.  That  we  really  have  to  do  with  an  interchange  or  perhaps 
rather  confusion  between  -mcer  and  -mund  is,  however,  evident  from  the 


40  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

form  Tormanton  on  Camden's  map  of  Gloucesterhire,  and  still  more  so  if 
we  scan  the  early  forms  of  Farmington  in  another  hundred,  which  appears 
in  the  F.A.  as  Thormanton  (1284),  Thormerton  (1303,  16,  46),  on  Camden's 
map  as  Farmynton,  and  in  Magna  Britannia  as  Thormerton  alias  Farmington. 
4.  Torleton  alias  Tarlton  (GL).  The  etymology  may  be  an  O.E.  *Thurhild-, 
*  Thurwcaldtun.  5.  Tealby  (Li.).  All  the  early  spellings  point  to  O.E.  Theabul 
(=peafol\  Sweet,  O.E.T.,  p.  494.  There  is  in  Lincolnshire  another  place 
called  Thealby,  which  shows  exactly  the  same  early  forms  as  Tealby  (Teuelby, 
1316,  F.A.  etc.),  but  in  which  (f>)  has  been  kept.  6.  Torkesy  (Li.)?  <  O.E. 
Thurkill,  Searle.  7.  Thorpel  or  Torpel  in  Ufford  (Np.).  The  C.R.  and  the 
F.A.  spell  the  modern  form  with  £,  the  Ch.R.  with  th.  The  first  element 
seems  to  be  O.E.  porp,  the  second  may  originally  have  contained  O.E.  leah 
or  hyll.  Used  as  a  personal  name  the  place  appears  already  in  the  H.R. 
and  the  T.N.  as  Torpel,  in  the  F.A.  (1346)  as  Torpell,  and  in  the  C.R. 
(1227—31)  as  Thorpel.  8.  Torworth  (Nt.).  To  judge  from  the  early  spel- 
lings, O.E.  Thord,  Thored,  Thured,  Searle,  may  be  contained  in  the  first 
element  of  the  place.  9.  Tusmore  (Ox.)  <  O.E.  Thur,  Searle.  1  0.  Tor- 
weston  (Sm.)?  <  O.E.  Thurwulf,  Thurweald,  Searle. 

D.B.      Tingrei1,     Torneworde2,     Tormentone*,  '  Tavelesbi'0,    Turden- 
worde*. 

12th  c.  —  Fr.Ch.     Tablesbeia*.     R.B.     Tunewrthe*. 

\  3th  c.  —  Ch.R.  Torpel7  f  Thordworth*  I,  Torreivorth*  II.  P.A.  Thouesmer9 
(1284),  Thorveston10  (1284).  H.B.  Tyngri\  TorkeseyQ  (7  X),  Th-or- 
keseye*  (6  X),  Tursmere*.  P.B.  Tormer-,  Thormerton9  (1292—1301). 
T.N.  Ting'e1,  Tormarton*,  Tures-,  Thuresmere*. 

14th  c.  ~  C.R.  Tormerton*  (37—39,  39—41,  43—46),  Torleton4  (37—39). 
Cat.A.D.  Tevelby*.  F.A.  Tyngrie1  (1302),  Thorneivorthe-  (1316), 
Thormerton*,  Theuel-  Teuelby*,  Teelby'a,  Torptll'1  (1346),  Tordworth* 
(1316),  Toresmere9  (1316),  Thouresmere9  (1346).  Gl.Recs.  Thor- 
mertone*  (1317).  P.R.  Tormer-,  Thormerton3  (01—07),  Tormerton9 
(34—38),  Thormarton*  (21—24),  Therleton*  (24—27),  Torle-,  Thor- 
leton4'  (43—45),  Theuelby*  (27—30),  Torworth*  (43-45). 

1  5th  «c.  ~  F.A.     Tingrie1    (1428),    Turneworth*   (1428),    Thormerton*   (1428), 
Torkeseif  (1428),    Torpell1   (1428),    Thoresmer9    (1428),    Torveston 
(1428).    Index.    Thormerton5  (1432),  Thorlston*  (1433). 


™ 


J)  The  above  forms  are  meant  to  instance  A.N.  (t)  for  O.E.  (p)  in 
English  place-names.  As  no  O.E.  forms  are  recorded,  and  there  is  a  contin- 
ual interchange  between  initial  t  and  th  in  n  great  many  M.E.  documents, 
the  greatest  cautiousness  is  required  in  judging  of  the  forms.  We  take 
Tealby  and  Tormerton  to  be  absolutely  safe  instances;  as  for  the  others  it 
is  at  least  highly  probable  that  the  O.E.  ground-form  contained  (J>). 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  41 

2.     The  A.N.  forms  have  not  prevailed  1. 

1.  Fingerst  (Bu.)  <  O.E.  ping.  2.  Catthorpe  (Le.)  <  O.E.  porp.  3. 
Winthorp  (Li.)  <  O.E.  porp.  4.  Cawthorpe  (Li.)  <  O.E.  porp.  5.  Finedon 
(Np.)  <  O.E.  ping. 

D.B.     Catorp*,  Tingdene*. 

1  2th  c.  —  Index.     Winetorp*  (1150-60),   Wintorp*  (1175). 
13th  c.  —  F.A.    Tinghurst1  (1284),  Thorpcat*  (1284).    H.R.  Tingehurst1,  Torp- 

ha?,  Calthorp\  Thingden*.     Index.     Winetorp*  (Hen.  III.),   Win- 
•  thorp*   (Hen.  III.),  Kaltorph*,  lingd*  (Hen.  III.),  Thinderi*  (1296). 

T.N.     Cat-,  Cathorp*,   Wynnetlwrp*,  Catthorp,  -torp*,  Thingden\ 
14th  c.  —  F.A.     Tyngeliurst1  (1346),  Calthorp4  (1303).     Index.     Wynthorpe* 

(1331),    Wynthorp*  (1347,  64),  Calthorpe*  (1335),  Thyngden*  (1393) 

The  voiceless  lip-teeth  consonant  ([))  of  so  frequent  occur- 
rence in  the  Germanic  languages  was,  at  least  in  initial  position, 
absolutely  unknown  to  the  Normans,  who  in  the  course  of  one 
century  and  a  half  had  so  completely  forgotten  their  own  language, 
that  if  we  except  a  few  loan-words  it  has  only  left  some  traces 
in  the  local  nomenclature  of  the  districts  they  occupied.  Cf. 
NYKOP,  Gramm.  §  13. 

The  phonology  of  Germanic  loan-words  in  O.Fr.  shows  that 
(t)  was  always  substituted  for  initial  (JD).  Cf.  MEYER-LUBKE, 
Gramm.  I  §  18,  p.  41,  MACKEL,  p.  164  f.,  and  in  the  case  of 
Normandy  such  place-names  as  le  Torp,  le  Tourp  <  Scand. 
porp,  Torgistorp  <  Scand.  forgilsforp  etc. 

Not  otherwise  did  the  Normans  treat  initial  (\>)  in  English 
place-names;  (t)  was  always  substituted  for  ({)).  In  the  earliest 
documents  this  (t)  is  mostly  rendered  by  t.  In  D.B.  t  is  by  far 
the  more  usual  spelling,  though  a  few  instances  of  th  have  also 
been  noted.  Cf.  STOLZE,  p.  41.  Most  12th  cent,  records  (Inq.  El., 
I.C.C.,  Fr.Ch.  etc.)  do  not  differ  much  from  D.B.  in  this  respect. 
In  the  Pi.R.  of  1189—90  we  do  not  find  one  single  instance  of 
th  for  (t)  in  the  numerous  place-names  <  O.E.  porp,  porn  there 
recorded.  Also  in  the  Li.S.  t  predominates,  though  we  have 
found  th  in  a  few  cases,  e.g.  Hacatorn,  Hachethorna  =  Hack- 
thorn. 

There  are,  howeyer,  two  feudal  records  of  the  12th  cent, 
in  which  we  perceive  a  strong  and,  no  doubt,  intentional  ten- 
dency to  denote  ({>)  with  th,  viz.  the  Le.  and  Np.  Surveys. 

1  Cf.  also  the  account  of  the  use  of  t  and  th  given  below. 


42  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

Nearly  all  place-names  in  which  O.E.  (J))  is  rendered  by  t  in 
D.B.,  appear  in  the  Np.  S.  with  th.  The  exceptions  are  very 
few.  In  the  short  Le.  S.  place-names  containing  O.E.  (J))  occur 
only  four  times;  all  of  them  are  spelled  with  th. 

This  tendency  becomes  general  in  the  course  of  the  13th 
cent.  Obviously  the  Norman  scribes  had  now  acquired  a  better 
knowledge  of  the  difference  between  English  ([))  ancj  (t),  and  seriously 
endeavoured  to  keep  them  apart  by  denoting  one  with  th  the  other 
with  t.  An  examination  of  the  T.N.  for  Leic.,  where  owing  to 
strong  Scand.  influence  Thorpe  is  a  very  usual  designation  of  a 
place,  shows  that  Thorpe  is  by  far  the  more  usual  spelling,  and 
some  ten  years  later  in  the  H.R.  for  the  same  country  we  find  only 
a  few  instances  with  t.  Interchange  between  th  and  t  is,  on  the 
other  hand,  not  uncommon  in  the  T.N.  and  the  H.R.:  Turgtun, 
Thurgereton,  H.R.  ==  Thurgarton  (Nf.);  Althorp,  -torp,  -trap,  H.R. 
=  Althorp  (Li.);  Eylestlwrp,  -torp,  H.R.  =  Elsthorpe  (Li.);  Ha- 
Jcethorn,  -torn,  T.N.  =  Hackthorn  (Li.)  etc.  -  -  In  the  first  vol.  of 
the  Ch.R.  we  have,  by  the  side  of  regular  forms  in  th,  found  a 
few  isolated  instances  of  t,  viz.  Tacheam  =  Thatcham  (Be.);  Taxied 
=  Thaxted  (Es.);  Tefford  =  Thetford  (Li.);  Taydon  =  Theydon 
(Es.);  Tymelesby  =  Thimbleby  (Li.);  Turneby  =  Thornby  (Np.). 

In  the  14th  c.  t  is  still  more  exceptional.  We  have  gone 
through  the  second  vol.  of  the  F.A.,  and,  in  addition  to  those 
given  in  our  list,  only  found  the  following  cases:  Timing  = 
Thurning  (Ha.);  Tyteburst  =  Theobald  street  (Ht.);  Terefeld  = 
Therfield  (Ht.).  Trehus  and  Trolcking,  ib.  =  Three  Houses  (Ht.), 
Throckiug  (Ht.)  are  no  certain  examples,  dialectal  sound-change 
being  not  improbable. 

It  goes  without  saying  that  we  cannot  expect  to  find  many 
instances  of  t  for  th,  fi  in  purely  English  works.  The  following 
examples  from  the  A.S.  Chr.  are  worthy  of  note:  Torn  MS.  E  = 
The  Isle  of  Thorney;  Turstan,  Teobald  MS.H.,  Turstein  MS.E. 
R.Br.,  p.  27,  has  Teteford  =  Thetford  (Nf.). 

The  forms  in  t  due  to  A.N.  sound-substitution  have  very 
seldom  been  generally  accepted,  probably  because  the  native 
forms  vere  often  supported  by  words  still  living  in  the  spoken 
language  (thorp,  thorn  etc.)  When  the  etymological  identity  of 
the  word  was  not  so  obvious  the  French  forms  might  more 
easily  supplant  the  native  ones.  In  fact,  it  is  particularly  with 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  43 

place-names  containing  a  personal  name  that  this  has  been  the 
case.  This  is  the  less  astonishing  in  consideration  of  the  cir- 
cumstance that  a  great  many  O.E.  names  in  f  were  ousted  by 
their  French  equivalents  in  t. 

It  still  remains  to  be  seen  if  (t)  for  (h)  in  Tormerton, 
Tealby  etc.  may  have  originated  in  some  other  way  than  by  A.N. 
sound-substitution . 

Dialectal  influence  must  not  be  left  out  of  the  question 
altogether,  for  in  the  vernaculars  the  interdental  spirant  has  often 
been  replaced  by  the  dental  stop. 

In  the  South  of  England  initial  (h)  was  voiced,  and,  accord- 
ing to  SWEET,  H.E.S.  §  728,  the  voicing  had  been  developed 
before  the  llth  c.  KLUGE,  Paul's  Gr.,  p.  1007  Anm.,  thinks 
that  at  least  in  Ayenbite  initial  (hj  was  generally  voiced.  At  any 
rate,  we  must  start  from  voiced  initial  (JD)  to  account  for  the 
sound-change  (ct)  >  (d),  which  is  well  evidenced  for  the  South  of 
England  in  late  M.E.  times,  See  DIBELIUS,  p.  451;  NEUMANN, 
p.  75.  In  Octavianus,  ed.  SARRAZIN  (Alteng.  Bibl.,  herausg.  von 
Kolbing,  III)  there  are  a  great  many  spellings  with  d  for  p 
in  initial  —  as  well  as  medial  —  position:  de,  dan,  do,  dare,  dyder, 
denJc  ;  dour,hte,  drew  etc.,  as  also  a  few  with  f  for  d:  fere, 


1  Some  spellings  in  D.B.  tend  to  corroborate  Sweet's  statements  as  to 
the  early  date  of  the  voicing.  Initial  d  •-  sound-substitution  for  (d)?  - 
appears  in  Dereuelde  =  Therfield  (Ht.),  Edrope  =  Heythrop  (Ox.),  and  Der- 
nescop  =  Thurnscoe  (Yo.).  All  these  places  are  situated  on  a  territory  where 
initial  (J))  remained  unvoiced.  STOLZE,  p.  49,  has,  however,  pointed  out 
that  in  the  case  of  N.  places  S.  forms  are  not  uncommon  in  D.B.,  so  Dernescop 
etc.  may  really  be  instances  of  (d)  for  initial  (d).  On  the  other  hand,  in 
view  of  the  inconsistent  use  of  t  and  d  in  D.B.,  we  are  scarcely  justified  in 
drawing  any  far-reaching  conclusions  from  only  a  few  spellings. 

How  are  we  to  account  for  the  following  cases  of  t  for  initial  d,  and 
vice-versa:  Todingetona,  Dodingedona,  Fr.Ch.  ==  Toddington  (Bd.);  Torsete, 
Wace,  v.  1463  =  Dorset;  Tantes-,  Dantesborne,  D.B.  =  Duntisbourne  (GL); 
Totm'ton,  Dodinton,  D.B.  =  Totton  (Ha.),  Todintona,  Ch.R.  II;  larenteford, 
D.B.,  Ch.R.,  R.B.  =Dartford  (Ke.)  <  O.E.  Diorente,  Earle;  Danefelt,  Tanefelt, 
D.B.  =  Tanfield  (Yo.);  Tiverington,  Deverington  (Hen.  III.),  I.P.M.  =  Terrington 
(Yo.).  Has  the  usual  orthographic  interchange  between  final  and  medial  d 
and  t  been  thoughtlessly  transferred  to  d  and  t  in  initial  position  as  well, 
or  could  the  Normans  not  properly  distinguish  between  Engl.  (d)  and  (t)? 
SKEAT,  Ht.  Pl.-Ns.,  p.  55,  thinks  that  initial  t  for  d  sometimes  may  be  due 
to  the  influence  of  the  preposition  cet,  at. 


44  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

pefende,  forst  etc.  All  of  them  are  looked  upon  by  the  editor  as 
errors.  See  Introduction,  p.  XII.  The  same  peculiar  spellings 
appear  also  in  another  Kentish  MS.  from  about  the  same  time 
(the  second  half  of  the  14th  c.),  Cott.  Jul.  D.  IX.  Cf.  also  theer 
=  deer,  Libeaus  Disconus,  v.  1133.  We  are  of  opinion  that  d 
in  derik  etc.  denotes  a  then  common  dialectal  pronunciation  (d) 

<  (d),  while  the  less  numerous  cases  of  J5  for  d.may  be  explained 
as    inverted    spellings.     In    the    16th    cent,    initial    (d)    for  (d)  is 
evidenced   by  the  English  orthoepist  Bullokar  for  Kent  and  Sus- 
sex.    See  KLTJGE,  Paul's  Gr.,  p.  1007  Anm.   In  the  present  Eng- 
lish dialects  (d)  for  initial  (d)  occurs  sporadically  in  the  whole  S. 
and  S.W.  England:  (1)  in  disle  and  datch  =  thistle,  thatch  (Sm., 
Dv.,  He.);  (2)  in  pronouns  and  adverbs  (Ke.,  Ss.);  and  is  (3)  par- 
ticularly   well    instanced    in    the    combination    thr.     Cf.    E.D.Gr. 
§§    310,    311,    313;  KRUISINGA  §  358.     An  English  grammar  of 
the    year   1701  warns  against  dialectal  dunder  for  thunder.     See 
D.  and  M.  Forster,  Anglia  XXIV,  p.  116.     In  place-names  drop 
for    throp    etc.   occurs  not  unfrequently  in  S.  England;  Hilldrop 
(WL),  Hullethrop  (1310),  Index,  is  one  instance. 

No  doubt,  the  modern  instances  of  (d)  for  initial  (d)  are 
only  remains  of  a  once  very  common  dialectal  sound-change.  On 
the  gradual  disappearance  of  (v)  for  initial  (f)  from  many  S. 
Engl.  dialects  see  EKWALL,  Jones's  Phonography  §  588.  In  like 
manner  (z)  for  initial  (s)  is  hardly  to  be  found  any  longer  in  the 
Kentish  dialect,  of  which  it  once  was  a  characteristic  feature. 
See  KLUGE,  Paul's  Gr.,  p.  1010;  E.D.Gr.  §  320. 

In  some  Midi. ,  W.  and  N.  dialects,  in  which  initial  th 
remains  ({>),  we  find  (tr)  <  (t>r),  exactly  answering  to  S.English 
(dr)  <  (dr).  On  this  point  see  E.D.Gr.  §  313,  where  we  are 
told  that  the  sound-change  occurs  in  Yo.,  La.,  Nf.,  Sf.  FRANZ- 
MEYER,  p.  54,  notes  one  instance  also  from  Bucks. 

We  have  found  several  cases  of  (tr)  for  ([>r)  in  the  names 
of  places  which  are  situated  within  or  in  the  immediate  neigh- 
bourhood of  those  districts,  so  (t)  for  (|D)  is  here,  no  doubt,  a 
provincialism:  Threo  or  Treo  (Nf.),  Trehoo,  D.B.,  Trehow,  H.R. 

<  O.E.  freo  +  hoh,    Mdf.,    p.    74;    Thrandeston    (Sf.),    » vulgarly 
pronounced  Transon»  (see  HALL,  Mod.  English),  »alias  Franston» 
(M.Br.)  <  O.E.  Thrandeston,  Thorpe;  Heythorp  (Ox.),  ^commonly 
called    Aytrop»    (M.Br.),  Ethrop,  Hetrop,  T.N.  <  O.E.  forp\  Trus- 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  45 

thorpe  (Li.),  Thursthorp,  Thrusthorp,  Trussethorp,  F.A.  <  O.E. 
Thur,  Searle.  Here  belongs  perhaps  also  Tring  (Ht.)  <  prifing. 
Cf.  .§  6. 

In  the  same  manner  as,  though  more  seldom,  we  find  ini- 
tial (d)  for  (d),  by  the  side  of  the  more  common  (dr)  for  dr),  in 
the  South  of  England,  we  might  expect  to  hit  upon  some  instan- 
ces of  initial  (t)  for  ({>)  in  those  parts  of  England  where  (tr) 
occurs  for  (pr).  However,,  cases  of  initial  (t)  for  (f>),  as  a  parallel 
to  (tr)  <  (t>r),  have  hardly  been  noted  here  either  by  Wright  or 
Franzmeyer.  Nevertheless,  we  consider  it  highly  probable  that 
such  a  sound-change  formerly  existed,  and  as  a  matter  of  fact 
it  has  been  evidenced  in  a  few  instances  from  M.E.  and  e.  N.E. 
times:  tanke,  Tyndale;  ire,  tynge,  tynlcen,  Pride  of  Life  (see  DIBE- 
LIUS,  p.  451);  tanked  tynggs,  Paston  Letters  (see  NEUMANN,  p.  91); 
taught,  Colet,  see  SAM.  BLACK,  Die  Schriftsprache  in  der  Lon- 
doner Paulsschule  (Halberstadt  1905),  p.  41.  In  Bartholomew 
Fair  Captain  Whitley  uses  (t)  for  (|D)  in  tank  and  ting.  Cf.  PAN- 
NING, Dial.  Engl.  in  Elizabethanischen  Dramen  (Diss.  Halle 
1884),  p.  34. 

From  the  evidence  of  the  material  above  —  which  cer- 
tainly could  be  much  added  to  —  we  seem  justified  in  assuming 
that  initial  th  in  late  M.E.  has  become  t  and  d,  respectively,  in 
several  English  dialects.  In  the  present  vernaculars  there  are 
still  some  lingering  traces  of  the  sound-change,  particularly  in 
the  combination  thr.  The  more  general  occurrence  of  initial  (t) 
for  (J>)  on  the  Isle  of  Man  (see  E.D.Gr.  §  313;  FRANZMEYER, 
p.  54),  where  owing  to  insular  isolation  dialectal  changes  have 
greater  possibility  of  being  preserved,  may  perhaps  be  pointed 
to  as  the  last  remnants  of  the  transition  of  initial  ([>)  to  (t).  The 
vernacular  of  the  Isle  of  Man  is  placed  by  Ellis  in  the  same 
division  as  the  Lancash.  dialect,  where  (tr)  frequently  occurs 
for  for). 

This  whole  question  —  as  well  as  that  of  medial  (d)  >  (d) 
presents  many  obscure  and  difficult  points,  and  would  cer- 
tainly be  well  deserving  of  further  investigations.  It  would  be 
of  particular  interest  to  fix  the  exact  time  of  the  transition. 
Some  more  material  is  adduced  in  §  6.  The  M.E.  forms  of 
numerous  places  in  -thorp,  -throp  would  prove  a  very  useful 
material. 


46  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

In  the  instances  we  have  quoted  to  illustrate  French  sound  - 
substitution,  no  dialectal  distribution  of  t-  and  d-  forms  is  to 
be  traced,  t  occurs  for  th  not  only  in  the  Midi,  and  W.,  but  also 
in  the  S.  parts  of  England.  Consequently,  dialectal  sound-change 
is  not  very  probable.  The  early  appearance  of  the  spellings 
with  t  also  tells  against  such  an  assumption. 

One  more  objection  may  be  made  to  our  explanation  of 
the  /-forms;  perhaps  they  are  due  to  assimilation  in  connected 
speech  if,  for  instance,  the  preposition  at  was  prefixed  to  a  place- 
name.  Cf.  atte  <  at  pe,  Ormulum  etc.  This  explanation  is, 
however,  not  very  probable  for,  as  far  as  we  know,  no  cases 
have  been  recorded  of  initial  (p)  having  been  assimilated  to  (t) 
in  stressed  syllables.  Cf.  SCOTT,  Attractions  in  English  in  Trans, 
of  the  Amer.  Phil.  Ass.  XXV,  1894,  p.  88.  Such  forms  as 
Eandeston,  T.N.  =  Thrandeston  (Sf.),  Redland  (Gl.)  =  Thirdelond 
(1346),  Yriddelond  (1284),  F.A.,  are  perhaps  best  explained  from 
at  Trandeston,  at  Triddelond  with  French  or  dialectal  tr.  Even 
if  ({))  was  first  assimilated  to  (t)  the  result  has  been  complete  loss, 
not  alteration  of  ({))  to  (t).  Cf.  qwat  at  <  hwcet  fat,  Paston 
Letters,  DIBELIUS,  p.  451. 

NOTE.  In  this  place  we  will  point  out  two  instances  in  which  the 
interchange  of  t,  th  in  the  early  spellings  is  merely  due  to  graphic  confu- 
sion between  two  personal  names  from  different  roots:  (1)  Tibaldstone 
Hundred  (Gl.),  Tedboldestan ,  D.B.,  Thebaldestan,  Tedbaldestan,  H.R.,  Tibald- 
stone,: Tedbaldston,  Theobaldeston,  F.A.;  (2)  Tilshead  (Wl.),  pron.  [:ta'lsad]? 
ELLIS,  V  p.  58*,  Theodulveside  (1  XX  Tidulfhide  (4  X),  D.B.,  Thidulfhide  (1  X)! 
Tidulfeshid  (8  X),  T.N.,  Tidolesside,  Tydellesside,  H.R.,  Tidulveshida,  R.B.,  Ty- 
dulveshide,  Thidulveshide  (1216—25),  Tydolveshyde  (1381—85),  P.R. 

To  judge  from  such  forms  as  Theodulveside  and  Theobaldeston,  the  first 
element  of  the  above-mentioned  place-names  would  contain  O.E.  peodbeald, 
and  modern  t  might  be  due  to  A.N.  sound-substitution.  Cf.  Germanic  piud- 
bald,  peodbald  =  O.Fr.  Tibal,  Tibalt,  Tedbalt  =  Mod.  Fr.  Thibaut,  MACKEL, 
p.  128,  p.  165.  But  if  we  scan  the  O.E.  records  it  appears  that  peod-  is 
rather  an  unusual  compound  in  personal  names,  whereas  compounds  with 
tid-  are  very  usual  from  the  earliest  times.  In  the  Liber  Vitse  of  Durham 
the  only  compound  with  peod-  is  theodric  (instanced  4  times),  whereas  tid- 
occurs  more  than  70  times  with  a  great  variety  of  suffixes.  Cf.  MULLEK 
(Palaestra  IX),  p.  86,  p.  90.  The  O.E.  ground-form  of  Tilshead  is,  no  doubt, 
*Tidwulfeshigid  or  -hid.  As  to  Tibaldstone  the  spellings  pointing  to  peod- 
beald  are  undoubtedly  in  a  majority,  but  for  all  that  we  do  not  hesitate  to 
derive  the  name  of  the  place  from  an  O.E.  *Tidbealdestune.  Some  early  forms  with 
e  for  i  may  be  due  to  A.N.  spelling,  cf.  STOLZE,  p.  17.  Nor  is  loss  of  d  before  fr, 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  47 

as  in  Tibaldstone,  F.A.,  necessarily,  due  to  French  influence,  but  may  be  a 
case  of  assimilation  in  English  itself.  Similar  cases  are  Tetbriston,  D.B., 
Tibbrihtonia  (1181),  Index  =  Tibberton  (Sh.);  Tidbrihtingctun  (a  978),  Kemble 
603,  Tidbertun,  D.B.,  Tibrihton,  H.E.  =  Tibberton  (Wo.). 

Appendix.     Orthographic   interchange  between   t  and  th 
for  etymological  (t).  - 

Particularly  in  some  13th  and  14th  c.  records  we  note  the 
curious  circumstance  that  th  is  much  more  often  found  for  ety- 
mological t  than  t.  for  th.  Thus  in  the  F.A.  we  find  Toft  as 
well  as  Thoft  for  O.E.  toft,  Theversham  and  Teversham  =  Tevers- 
ham  (Cb.)  etc.  Similar  instances  occur  also  in  the  Index,  e.g. 
Thateshale  (1304),  Tatheshule  (1332)  =  Tattershall  (Li.),  Stoivlange- 
thot  (1393)  =  Stowlangtoft  (Sf.).  Though  more  seldom,  th  for  t 
appears  as  early  as  in  D.B.:  Toffh  =  Toft  (Cb.);  Bagathora,  Exon 
D.B.,  Bagatora,  Exch.  D.B.  =  Bagtor  (Dv.)  <  O.E.  tor(r),  Mdf.T 
p.  135,  etc.  -  -  th  for  O.E.  t  has,  moreover,  been  noted  in  Eng- 
lish place-names  from  many  O.Fr.  texts.  For  instances  see  WEST- 
PHAL,  p.  17.  Rhymes  like  north:  Oxenford,  Gairnar,  v.  5076r 
etc.  indicate  that  this  th  was  pronounced  (t). 

In  our  opinion  this  confusion  between  th  and  t  is  partly 
due  to  the  inability  of  the  Normans  to  pronounce  English  (|j). 
Initial  th  as  an  orthographical  symbol  was  known  in  the  French 
language,  where  it  had  the  value  of  (t).  Cf.  SwEEt,  H.E.S. 
§  600,  N.E.Gr.  §  380.  This  accounts  for  the  use  of  th  =  (t)  in 
early  texts  as  D.B.  In  the  13th  and  14th  cent,  the  interdental 
spirant  was  lost  in  A.N.  in  all  positions.  The  grea,t  inconsistency 
in  the  use  of  t  and  th  in  records  from  that  time  may  be  due  to 
the  vain  attempts  of  the  Norman  scribes  to  keep  the  two  sounds 
orthographically  apart.  It  is,  however,  very  curious  that  at 
least  in  the  14th  cent,  records  th  is  much  more  often  used  for 
t  than  t  for  th.  Under  such  circumstances  the  most  probable 
explanation  of  the  interchange  would  perhaps  be  that  th  was 
used:  (1)  to  denote  ({>);  (2)  alternating  with  t  to  denote  (t). 

WESTPHAL,  p.  18,  assigns  a  special  phonetic  value  to  the 
symbol  th  for  t  in  the  Engl.  place-names  of  the  O.Fr.  chronicles. 
He  is  of  opinion  that  h  is  put  after  t  as  a  diacritic  mark  to 
distinguish  the  Engl.  aspirated  (t)  from  the  French  one.  This 
cannot  very  well  be  correct,  for  t  and  th  are  interchangeable 


48  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

also  in  the  spellings  of  French  place-names.  Any  number  of 
instances  might  be  adduced,  but  the  following  will  suffice: 
Avrehuth  (1170),  Averhout  (1139)  =  Avroult  (Pas  de  Calais),  see 

A.  DE  LOISNE,  Les  formes  originales  des  noms  de  lieu  du  P.  de 
C.,    p   6;  Torigne,  Thorignie,  Benoit,  v.  33641;   TiergeviUe  (1308), 
Thiergeville  (1338)  =  Tierceville  (Eure);  Tylli  (1293),  Thilly(Uc.) 
=  Tilly  (Eure);   Totteneium  (1061),   Thonaium  (1186),  Toeni  (1205), 
Thooniacum    (1227),    Thoeneium  (1239),   Thony  (1392),  Tony  (1419) 
=  Tosny    (Eure).     See    Die.    Topogr.    de    1'Eure.     Of.    also    the 
various    old   spellings  of  Thevray,  Thibouville,  and  Thuit  in  the 
same  Dictionary. 

In  many  M.E.  texts  we  also  find  the  spelling  th  for  /, 
particularly  in  foreign  names  and  in  words  more  or  less  directly 
borrowed  from  Greek  and  Latin.  For  examples  see  BEHRENS, 
p.  171,  DIBELIUS,  p.  448,  KOEPPEL,  Spell.-pron.,  p.  19  f. 

But  th  for  etymological  t  is  well  instanced  in  native  words 
as  well.  Cf.  MOESBACH,  Urkunden,  p.  105;  DIBELIUS.  p.  448; 
NEUMANN,  p.  92  f.  All  these  authors  are  of  opinion  that  th  is 
is  a  phonetic  spelling  (»t  +  Hauch»,  Morsb.;  »eine  stark  aspi- 
rierte  Aussprache»,  Dib.).  We  do  not  think  it  is  necessary  to 
assign  any  special  phonetic  value  to  Several  sporadic  instances 
of  th  for  t.  The  symbol  th  being  used  in  some  (=  learned) 
words  to  denote  (t),  it  seems  quite  natural  that  the  same  spel- 
ling should  sometimes  be  transferred  also  to  the  native  words: 
winther  for  winter  analogous  to  throne  for  trone,  Neumann  seems 
inclined  to  adopt  a  similar  explanation  for  some  of  his  examples. 
Cf.  p.  93,  »oft  mag  aber  bei  der  mannigfachen  verwendung 
des  th,  th  fur  t  blosser  schreibfehler  sein.» 

We  must  keep  in  mind  that  there  was  an  ambiguity  as  to 
the  use  of  th.  To  the  French  it  was  only  a  variant  of  t\  by 
the  English  it  was  generally  associated  with  the  pronunciation 
(l>,  ct).  We  know  that  in  course  of  time  this  ambiguity  led  to 
a  pronunciation  ([))  for  a  great  many  words  in  which  th  origi- 
nally denoted  (t).  To  the  instances  adduced  by  KOEPPEL,  Spell.- 
pron.,  p.  19  f.,  the  following  may  be  added:  (1)  Thanet  (Ke.), 
pron.  with  ({>),  Tanger.  All  the  early  forms  -  -  Tenet,  Tanet, 
A.S.  Chr.,  Tenid  (a.  679),  Tcenett  (a.  949),  Index,  Tcenate  A,  Tanate 

B,  La3amon,    v.    14737  point    to    original    t.     As  late  as  in 
Camden's  time  t  seems  still  to  have  been  kept  in  the  pron.    Cf. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  49 

OAMDEN  I,  p.  242,  »we  call  it  Tenet».  Our  first  instance  of  the 
spelling  th  is  from  the  Ch.R.,  Thanet  (1227).  (2)  Thame  on  the 
river  Tharne  (Ox.),  pron.  with  ({>),  seldom  with  (t),  Tanger,  Tamu, 
A.S.  Chr.,  Tame  (1473),  Index.  There  is  a  river  Tame  in  Staff.  — 
no  doubt  derived  from  the  same,  probably  Celtic,  root  as  Thame 
and  Thames  —  in  which  etymological  t  has  been  kept  in  spite 
of  numerous  early  spellings  with  th. 

§  3.    Some  difficult  initial  consonant-combinations  are  altered 
in  various  ways  to  suit  Anglo-Norman  pronunciation. 

In    the    Germanic    languages    there    existed    several    initial 
•consonant-combinations  which  were  unknown  to  Romance-speaking 
people.     In    the   case  of  loan-words  such  combinations  were,  na- 
turally,,   got    rid    of    in    one    way  or  another.     Thus  a  vowel  - 
generally    e  was    sometimes    either  prefixed  to  (e.g.  the  pro- 

thetic  e  before  s  impurum)  or  inserted  between  (=  svarabhakti) 
the  two  consonants.  In  this  paragraph  a  number  of  initial 
consonant-groups  in  Engl.  place-names  the  pronunciation  of 
which  presented  difficulties  to  the  Normans  of  the  llth  cent, 
will  be  dealt  with  in  due  order. 


A.     Anglo-Norman  Jcen,  Jean,  kun,  n  is  substituted  for 

English  kn. 

1.     The  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  prevailed. 

Cannoc  (St.)  <  Celtic  cnoc.  Cf.  DUIGNAN,  St.  Pl.Ns.,  p.  30  f.  D.B.  Chenet. 
Records  (12th  c.),  see  DUIGNAN  I.e.  Chnoc,  Cnot,  Chnot,  Chenot,  Canot,  Canoe. 
Index.  Gannok  (1245). 

2.     The  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  not  prevailed. 

1.  Knapwell  (Cb.)  <  O.E.  Cnapa;  cf.  SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns  of  Cb.,  p.  36.  2. 
Knutsford  (Ck.)  <  O.E.  Cnut,  Searle.  3.  Knowlton  (Do.)  <  O.E.  cnoll,  Mdf., 
p.  28.  4.  Church  Knowle  (Do.)  <  O.E.  cnoll.  5.  Knowston  (Do.)  <  O.E. 


1  Cf.  MEYEK-LTJBKE,  Gramm.  I§  387:  —  »Le  de"veloppement  d'une  voyelle 
«ntre   deux    consonnes    se    produit    dans  diffe>entes  circonstances.     II  a  lieu 
tout   d'abord    dans    les    mots   6trangers  qui  renferment  des  combinaisons  de 
sons  insolites.» 

2  Cannoc    Chase    formerly    contained   a  castle  and  hunting-seat;  BAE- 

THOLOMEW. 

4 


50  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

Cnut.  6.  Knighton  (Dv.)  <  O.E.  cniht.  7.  Knowle  (Ha.)  <  O.E  cnoll  8 
Knapp  (Ha.)<  O.E.  cnap,  Mdf.,  p.  28.  9.  Knebworth  (Ht.)  <  O.E.  Cne&fca; 
cf,  SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns.  of  Ht.,  p.  56.  1O.  Knaith  (Li.).  11.  Knapton  (Nf.)  < 
O.E.  cnap.  12.  Kneesal  (Nt.),  perhaps  <  O.E.  cneo,  cf.  SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns.  of  Cb., 
p.  26.  13.  Knightley  (St.)  <  O.E.  cniht.  14.  Knook  (Wl.)?  <  Celtic  cnoc. 
15.  Knaresborough  (Yo.).  16.  Knarford  (Yo.)  now  lost;  cf.  SKAIFE,  The 
Survey  of  the  county  of  York  etc.  17.  Kneeton  (Yo.)?  <  O.E.  cneo.  18, 
Knottingley  (Yo.). 

D.B.  Chenepewelle1,  Cunetesford*,  Chenoltune*,  Chenolle*,  Cnolle*, 
Chenudestane*,  Chenistetone6,  Chenol\  Chenep*,  Chenepeworde9 ,  Che- 
neide10,  Ranaptone11,  (B  error  for  K\  Chenistelei1*,  Cunucheuf 
Chenaresburg™,  Kenares-,  Neresforde*6,  Naton1"1. 

12th  c.  —  Index.  Eneshala1*.  Pontefract  Oh.  Nottingham18.  Yo.P.F. 
Gnareburc™. 

13th  c.  —  Ch.R.  Kneye10,  Cnaresburg15,  Nottingleya1*.  Index.  Knapeton^, 
Keneshale1*,  Knyhttesle1* .  B.B.  Canardesburgus13.  T.N.  Knolton3. 

14th  c.  —  P.A.  Knolton*,  Knouston6,  Kneth10.  La.  Bees.  Knottesford~> 
forth*.  Yo.  N.V.  Kneton11  (1316). 

The  group  -A*w,  which  was  unfamiliar  to  French  ears,  is 
regularly  turned  into  ken,  Jean  etc.  also  in  Germanic  loan-words. 
Examples  are  adduced  by  MEYER-LUBKE,  Gramm.  I  §  18;NYROP, 
Gramm.  §  494.  The  name  of  a  place  in  Normandy,  Canapville, 
Canapevilla  (1196),  is  traced  back  by  JORET,  p.  64,  to  Scand. 
knappr.  -  As  far  as  we  know,  loss  of  k  has  not  been  noted  in 
the  Germanic  loan-words. 

The  French  forms  have  prevailed  only  in  the  case  of 
Cannoc  <  cnoc,  which  with  vowel- insertion  and  change  of  suffixes 
appears  in  D.B.  as  Chenet.  That  the  Normans  substituted  the 
well-known  diminutive  suffix  -ot,  -et  for  the  unfamiliar  -oc,  is  by 
no  means  astonishing.  Cf.  Introduction,  p.  12.  In  the  13th 
cent,  the  native  ending  was  restored,  while  the  parasitic  vowel 
was  kept. 

Later  loss  of  h  in  the  combination  kn  must,  of  course,  be 
kept  strictly  apart  from  the  early  instances  we  have  ascribed  to 
French  influence.  In  the  latter  case  loss  of  k  is  sporadical,  and 
~k  reappears  in  later  spellings. 

NOTE.  Though  O.E.  Cnut  appears  as  Chenut  etc.  in  D.B.,  this  French 
form  never  prevailed  in  the  place-names.  On  the  other  hand  Cnut  the  Great, 
the  famous  Danish  king  who  in  the  beginning  of  the  llth  cent,  extended 
his  rule  also  to  England,  is  spoken  of  in  modern  works  of  history  both  as 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  51 

Cnut  and  Canute,  pron.  (kanjuwt),  Tanger.  With  reference  to  these  double 
forms  FREEMAN  I,  p.  399,  makes  the  following  reflections:  —  >Cnut  or 
Cnud  is  this  king's  true  name,  and  the  best  Latin  form  is  Cnuto.  The  form 
Canutus  seems  to  have  arisen  from  Pope  Paschal  the  Second's  inability  to 
say  Cnut*  Pope  Paschal  was  certainly  not  alone  in  mispronouncing  this 
difficult  word.  Canute  is  obviously  a  French  rendering  of  the  true  English 
form,  as  it  appears  in  the  A.S.  Chr.,  Knut,  or  in  Rob.  of  Brunne,  Knout, 
p.  45.  We  have  noted  the  French  form  in  Langtoft,  Kanute,  Kanutus,  I, 
p.  354,  p.  368,  and  in  Mousket,  Konus,  v.  15309. 


B.    Anglo-Norman  wer,  war,  r  is  substituted  for  English  wr. 

1.  Wrenbury  (Ch.)  <  O.E.  wrenna,  Mdf.,  p.  153.  2.  Wroxall  (Ha.); 
cf.  Wrocces  heal,  Kemble  768.  3.  Wragby  (Li.),  probably  <  O.E.  wearg,  Mdf., 
p.  147.  Wragholm  (Li.)  appears  as  Wargholme  (1295),  Index.  4.  Wrawby 
(Li.)?  <  O.E.  wearg.  5.  Wrangle  (Li.);  cf.  on  wrangan  hylle,  Birch  801.  6. 
Wretham  (Nf.).  7.  Wramplingham  (Nf.).  8.  Wroxeter  (Sh.).  9.  Wrington 
(Sm.)  <  O.E.  Wrington,  Kemble  338.  1O.  Wraxall  (Sm.).  11.  Easwrith 
Hundred  (Ss.)  <  O.E.  wrtj),  wrid,  Mdf.,  p.  153.  12.  Wraxhall  (Wl.). 

D.B.  Wareneberie1,  Warochesselle* ,  Waragebi5,  Waragebi*,  We- 
ranghe5,  Wrel-,  Weretham*,  Wran-,  Waranplinchani1 ,  Rochecestre* , 
Weriton9,  Werocosale10,  Esweride11,  Werocheshalle™. 

12th  c.  —  Index.     Warkebi*,  (Hen.  II.),    Wraggebi*. 

13th  c.  —  Ch.B.  Wragheby*,  Wrangle*.  H.B.  Wraggeby*,  Wroccest'*,  Es- 
tvrythel\  Esewrith11.  Sm.K.Q.  Wroxhall10  (1284).  T.N.  Wrag- 
geby*. 

1 4th  c.  —  F.A.  Wraggeby5,  Wragheby*,  Wrauby*,  Wrotham*,  Wrampling- 
ham\  Wroccestre*,  Wryngton9.  Index.  Wrangel*,  (1302),  Wrox- 
hale10  (1331). 

Instances  of  vowel-insertion  between  w  and  r  in  Germanic 
loan-words  are  noted  by  NYROP,  Gramm.  §  494,  and  MACKEL, 
p.  184.  Loss  of  w  does  not  seem  to  have  taken  place  in 
loan-words. 

In  this  particular  case  the  French  forms  enjoyed  a  very 
brief  existence.  We  have  not  found  them  anywhere  but  in  D.B. 


C.    Anglo-Norman  Z,  w,  n,  sel,  sen  is  substituted  for 
English,  si,  sm,  sn. 

1.     The  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  prevailed. 
Nottinghamshire,  Nottingham  (Nt.)  <  O.E.-  Snotingaham,  -stir,  A.S.  Chr. 


52  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

D.B.  Snoting'scire,  Snoting-,  Snotingeham.  Pi.B.  Notingeham  (1131). 
Index.  Notingeham  (1153).  Florence  of  Wo.  (Mon.  Brit.). 
Snotingaham  (MSS.  12c.).  Symeon  of  Du.  (Mon.  Brit,).  Sno- 
tingnham  (MS.  12c.).  Henry  of  Huntingdon  (Mon.  Brit.). 
Snotinghamscire,  Snotinga-,  Notingeham  (MSS.  13  and  14c.).  MS. 
Jesus  Coll.  Oxford  (O.E.  Miscellany,  E.E.T.S.  49),  Snoting- 
ham  (13c.).  Le.  Bees.  Snolyngham  (1353),  Notingham  (1336). 
Index.  Notingham  (1304).  Oapgrave.  Notingham,  p.  101. 

2.     The  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  not  prevailed. 

1.  Snelson  (Ch.);  cf.  Snelles  cumb,  Kemble  1052.  2.  Sleaford  (Li.) 
<  O.E.  Sliowaford,  A.S.  Chr.,  Slioforda,  Thorpe  1.  3.  Snarford  (Li.),  perhaps 
connected  with  M.E.  snart,  adj.  severe,  used  a  personal  name.  4.  Snettis- 
ham  (Nf.)?  <;  O.E.  snytre,  adj.,  wise,  used  as  a  personal  name.  5.  Snoring 
(Nf.).  6.  Smithdon  (Nf.)  <  O.E.  smepe;  cf.  on  smepandune,  Birch  748.  7. 
Sneinton  (Nt.)  <  O.E.  *Snotingatun  2.  8.  Slingsby  (Yo). 8.  9.  Sledmere  (Yo.), 
perhaps  <  O.E.  sled,  Mdf.,  p.  117  4. 


1  There    are    no    less    than  three  places  with  that  name  in  Line,  viz. 
Sleaford,    New    Sleaford,    and    Old    Sleaford.     For  the  two  latter  the  French 
forms    were    still    in    use  as  late  as  the  18th  cent.     In  Magna  Britannia  the 
places   in    question    are  called  Sleford  (Flaxwell  Hundred),  Lafford,  and  New 
Lafford    (Ash warden    Hundred).     It    is    interesting    to    note  that  in  the  F.A. 
Old  Sleaford  appears  in  1316  as   Vetus  Lafford,  and  in  1401  as  Sleaford.   The 
Hundreds    of    Ashwarden  and  Flaxwell  are  contiguous,  and  the  three  places 
are    situated    on    the    boundary.    --  At    Sleaford    there    are    ruins  of  an  old 
castle  famous  in  Norman  times. 

2  We  cannot  refrain  from  quoting  here  the  following  interesting  note 
on    Sneinton    from    Viet.    Hist,    of  Nt.,  p.  245:  —  »There  are  a  few  difficult 
questions  of  identification  in  the  Nt.  D.B.,  one  of  which  has  the  rare  distinc- 
tion   of  being  raised  in  a  mediaeval  law-suit.     In  1285  the  lords  of  Sneinton 
were    impleaded  by  the  men  of  the  vill  on  the  ground  that,  while  Sneinton 
was    ancient    demesne    of   the  crown,  they  had  increased  the  rent  due  from 
tenements  there  (etc.).     In  reply  it  was  urged  that  Sneinton  was  no  ancient 
demesne,    upon    which    D.B.    was    ordered    to    be    searched,    when  Notintone 
was    found    to    be    duly    entered    on  the  king's  land.     In  1287  a  jury  found 
that  Sneinton  was  always  called  by  that  name,  and  that  Notintone  was  part 
of   Nottingham.     However,    as    in   documents  of  the  time  the  name  appears 
as    Snotintone    or    Snadinton,    we    need    not   attach  much  weight  to  the  jury 
of  1287. » 

1  We  have,  moreover,  found  two  entries  of  the  French  form  used  as 
a  pers.  name,  viz.  Lengebi  (13c.),  Yo.  I.P.M..  and  Lengebi  (1301),  Yo.  S.R. 
—  In  the  vicinity  is  Slingsby  castle,  a  ruined  fortress  built  in  the  llth  cent; 
BABTH. 

*  We  do  not  hesitate  to  consider  Ledemare  and  Slidemarc,  D.B.,  as 
Identical.  Both  are  entered*  tinder  East  Riding,  the  former  in  Dickering,  the 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  53 

D.B.  Senelestune1,  Eslaforde*,  Snardes-,  Snerteforde*,  Netesham*. 
Snes-,  Sneteskam4,  Esnaringa5,  Snaringa5,  Metheduna*,  Smetheduna* 
Smeze-,  Smeteduna?,  Notintone1,  Eslingesbi*,  Selungesbi*,  Ledemare9, 
Slidemare9. 

1  2  th  c.  —  Index.  Laford*  (Hen.  II.),  Narteford*  (1163).  Li.S.  Snarteford*. 
Sempring-ham  Oh.  Lafford*,  -Slafford*. 

13th  c.  —  C.B.  Snointon1  (1217).  Ch.  B.  Snetesham4*  II,  Leddemere9.  H.R. 
Laford*,  Laffordia?,  Sfaarford*,  Sneteres-,  Sneders-,  Snetisham*, 
Naring'*,  Smethe-,  Smethes-,  Smesdon*,  Sneynton1.  Index.  Snarte- 
ford9 (Hen.  III.),  Nartesford3  (1203—05),  Slengesby*,  Sclengesbys, 
Eslenggesbi*,  Lingeby*.  B.B.  Lajforde*.  T.N.  Lafford*,  Snetes- 
ham*,  Naringes5,  Smethedun*,  Snenton1.  Yo.  I.P.M.  Slengeby*, 
Sledemer9.  Yo.  K.Q.  Slingesby*.  Yo.  S.B.  Sledemer9  (1297). 

14th  c.  —  P.A.  Vetus  Lafford*  (1316),  Nova  Lqff'ord*  (1316),  Snartford* 
(1316),  Snetesham4-,  Naring6  (1302,  16),  Snaryngg5  (1346),  Naringg^ 
(1346),  Smethdon*.  Index.  Snoryng'0  (1388),  Lengeby*  (1301), 
Slengesby*  (1348),  Slengisby*  (1364).  P.B.  Lafford*  (01—07),  Sle- 
ford*,  New  or  Novel  Lafford*  (13—17),  Sleaford*  (30—34),  Lajford*, 
Sleford*  (85-89),  Snartford*  (13—17,  34—38,  61—67),  Slyngesby* 
(01—07),  Slengesby*(±8—50}.  B.Br.  Sleford3.  Yo.  N.V.  Slingesby* 
(1316).  Yo.  S.B.  Slengesby*  (1301),  Sleddemer9  (1301;. 

15th  c.  —  F.A.  Sleford*  (1401),  Lafford*  (1428),  Snartford*  (U31\Snorryngg* 
(1428),  Naringg*  (1428).  P.B.  Snetesham*  (67—77). 

At  the  time  of  the  Nor  man  Conquest  ,9  before  /,  m,  ^  had 
already  been  dropped,  or  changed  into  another  sound.  Cf. 
MEYEB-LUBKE,  Gramm.  I  §  529;  NYROP,  Gram  in.  §  462; 
BEHRENS,  p.  182  f.  Consequently,  the  combinations  si,  sm,  sn  in 
English  place-names  were  unknown  to  the  Normans,  and  had 
to  be  altered.  Sometimes  a  svarabhaktic  vowel  is  inserted: 
Senelestune,  D.B.,  Selungesbi,  D.B.;  more  frequently  s  is  dropped: 
Ledemare,  D.B.,  Lafford,  Index,  Metheduna,  D.B.,  Netesham,  D.B. 
Notintone,  D.B.  etc. 

Though    ,9    was    mostly    kept  in  the  orthography  -  -  and 
even    a    prothetic    e    not    unfrequently    added  this  does  not 

prove  it  to  have  been  pronounced.  The  occurrence  of  several 
inverted  spellings  decidedly  tell  against  such  an  assumption 1. 

latter  in  Buck  cross  Hundred,  which,  however,  are  contiguous.  Moreover, 
we  find  in  the  Yo.  I.P.M.  (1277)  Petrus  de  Ledemer  as  one  of  the  jurors  for 
Buckcross  H.  In  the  Yo.  I.P.M.  Sledemer  is  incorrectly  identified  with  a 
non-existent  modern  Ledmere. 

1  Also  in  French  place-names  s  is  often  kept  in  the  spelling,  though 
it  had  ceased  to  be  pronounced  long  before:  Esneutrevilla  (1233),  Esnitrevilla, 
Netrevilla  (1254)  =  Ne"treville  (Eure);  Esmalville  (1170)  =  Emalleville  (Eure). 
See  Dictionnaire  Topographique  de  1'Eure. 


54  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

We  have  noted  the  following  cases  of  additon  of  an  unetymolo- 
gical  st  es  in  D.B.:  Esledes  =  Leeds  (Ke.),  Ledes,  Ch.R.  I,  II, 
Ledes  (1316,  46),  F.A.;  Snateshird,  D.B.  =  Neatishead  (Nf.)  <  O.E. 
Neteshirde,  Netheshird,  Kemble  740,  785;  Slapeford,  Exchequer 
D.B.,  Eslapaforda,  Exon  D.B  =  Lapford  (Dv.),  Lapeford,  Ch.R. 
II,  Lappeford,  F.A.  Cf.  O.E.  Hlappawurth  (DUIGNAN,  St.  Pl.Ns., 
p.  90,  under  Lapley)  =  Lapworth  (Wa.). 

NOTE.  It  seems  very  probable  that  from  the  earliest  times  s  was 
ignored  also  medially  before  such  consonants  where  it  was  no  longer 
pronounced  in  A.N.  itself.  In  support  of  this  conjecture  the  following 
instances  of  spellings  without  s  may  be  quoted:  Chileborneford  (Hen.  L), 
Index  =  Chesilborne  (Do.),  Chiselburneford  (12  c.),  Index,  <  O.E.  cysleburna, 
Birch  596;  Leinnes  (Stephen),  Index  (reminds  of  such  spellings  as  O.Fr. 
arcinnad,  where  sn  >  n,  see  MKNGEE,  p.  104)  =  Lessness  Abbey  (Ke.),  Lesnes 
Ch.R.1.,  T.N.,  perhaps  <  O.E.  Ices,  Mdf.,  p.  85;  Gowberkirche  (I3c.),  Index  = 
Gosberton  (Li.),  Gozeberdecherca,  Gosebertechirche,  D.B.,  Goseberkirke,  H.R.  <; 
O.E.  Gosbeorht,  Searle;  Ouberneby  (2  X),  T.N.  =  Osbournby  (Li.),  Osberneby, 
H.R.,  F.A.  <  O.E.  Osbern,  Searle;  Obernestun  (Stephen),  Index  =  Osbaston 
(Sh.),  Osbernestun  (12c.),  Index  *.  —  Addition  of  an  unetymological  s  has 
been  noted  by  us  in  Haslingueham.  Fr.Ch.  =  Ellingham  (Ha.),  Meslingues 
(1201),  Index  =  Mailing  (Ke.),  Cameslingeham,  D.B.  =  Camrneringham  (Li.). 

A  parallel  to  the  changes  the  sound-combinations  si,  sm,  sn 
underwent  in  English  place-names  is  offered  by  the  -treatment  of 
several  Germanic  loan-words,  adopted  into  the  French  language 
at  a  period  when  s  before  a  consonant  was  no  longer  pronounced. 
Often  a  svarabhakti  is  inserted,  sometimes  s  is  entirely  lost.  For 
instances  and  references  see  DIEZ,  Gramm.  I4,  p.  315;  NTROP, 
Gramm.  §  494;  MACKEL,  p.  34,  p.  173  (svarabhakti)2 —  NYROP, 
Gramm.  §  461  (loss  of  s).  Here  may  belong  also  Mod.  Fr 
brindestoc  <  Dutch  springstoc. 

Only  in  the  case  of  the  important  town  of  Nottingham  have 
the  French  forms  gained  the  victory.  Isolated  forms  with  s  are 
to  be  found  as  late  as  the  14th  cent.  We  have  already  pointed 


Two  instances  where  8  has  seemingly  been  dropped  before  /,  may 
be  accounted  for  as  mere  errors  of  the  scribes,  s  having  been  taken  for  /: 
Wafforda,  Wesforda,  D.B.  =  Washford  (Dv.),  Wasford  (1303),  F.A.  The  same 
place  in  Sf.  is  called  Cesforda  and  Ceffordd  in  the  Inq.  El. 

1    Cf.    also    Fr.    sequelin   by    the   side    of   skellin    (Godefroy)  <  Germ. 
skilling. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  55 

out    that    in  the  case  of  Sleaford  the  English  forms  have  had  a 
narrow  escape  of  being  superseded  by  the  French. 

To  connect  the  change  Snotingaham  >  Notingaham  with  the 
dialectal  addition  of  s  which  is  to  be  seen  in  such  words  as 
snotch  <  notch,  snowl  <  nowl  etc.  (see  RITTER,  Archiv  116,  p.  47), 
cannot  be  justified.  The  very  time  of  the  appearance  of  the  s- 
less  forms  tells  in  favour  of  French  influence.  Indeed,  Noting- 
ham  etc.  (always  with  loss  of  s)  is  the  only  form  recorded 
by  WESTPHAL,  p.  35,  in  numerous  examples  from  O.Fr.  texts. 


D.     Anglo-Norman  esc,  esp,  est  is  substituted  for 
English  sc,  sp,  st. 

1 .  Stow  (Cb.)  <  O.E.  stow,  Mdf.,  p.  127.  2.  Sturminster  (Do.);  cf.  O.E. 
Sturemupa,  A.S.  Chr.  3.  Okeford  Shilling  (Do.)  <  O.E.  stilling,  Sweet,  A.S. 
Die.  *.  4.  Speechwick  (Dv.).  5.  Sporle  (Nf.).  6.  Stretton  (St.)  <  O.E. 
street,  Mdf.,  p.  127.  7.  Stubbs  (Yo.).  8.  Scrayingham  (Yo.).  9.  Scar- 
borough  (Yo.). 

D.B.    Espicewita*,  Estretone*,  Eistop\  Istop1,  Escraingham*,  Scring- 

ham*,  Escringham*. 

12th  c.  —  Fr.Ch.     Esparlaium5.    Ramsey  Ch.     Estow1. 
1  3th  c.  —  Ch.R.  Escardeburg9,  Eschar deburg*.  Index.  Estrumenistre*  (1204?). 
1  4th  c.  —  P.A.    Sporle*  (1316).    Index.    Esturminstre*  (1327),  Acford  Eskyl- 

ling*  (1303),   Okford  Eschylling*  (1319),  Okford  Skylling*  (1384). 

At  the  time  of  the  Norman  invasion  s  was  kept  before  c, 
p,  t.  Cf.  MEYER-LUBKE,  Gramm.  I  §  468;  NYEOP,  Grarnm. 
462;  BEHRENS,  p.  182.  But  the  difficulty  the  Normans  had  in 
pronouncing  an  s  impurum  accounts  for  the  appearance  of  a 
prothetic  e  before  sc,  sp,  st.  The  distribution  of  this  e  in  early 
A.N.  texts  renders  it  probable  that  it  was  added  only  when  in 
connected  speech  a  consonant  immediately  preceded  the  s-  com- 
bination. See  NTROP,  Gramm.  §  493.  This  state  of  things  must 
have  given  rise  to  a  general  uncertainty  as  to  the  orthographical 
use  of  this  e.  It  was,  no  doubt,  often  put  where  it  was  not 
pronounced,  and  vice-versa.  In  records  of  later  date  than  D.B.  it 
is  rarely  found  in  English  place-names. 


1  sk  instead  of  sh,  sch  in  the  forms  quoted  from  the  Index  seems 
to  be  due  to  confusion  with  O.Fr.  escalin,  eskallin  (Godefroy),  Schillingus  (du 
Gauge)  <  Germanic  skilllng. 


56  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

On  the  other  hand,  a  svarabhaktic  vowel  is  never  inserted 
between  s  and  c,  p,  t.  This  is  one  more  proof  -  -  if  proofs  are 
needed  -  -  that  s  before  c,  p,  t  was  still  pronounced  towards  the 
end  of  the  llth  cent.  In  like  manner  the  appearance  of  such 
a  vowel  between  s  and  I,  n  may  be  pointed  to  as  a  test  of  loss 
having  taken  place  in  the  same  position. 

• 

NOTE.  BEHRENS'  statement,  p.  182,  that  »bereits  altere  normannische 
und  anglonorraannische  Hss.  die  e-  Prosthese  ziemlich  allgemein  durchgeftihrt 
zeigen»  is  not  correct.  An  examination  of  the  purely  French  word-material 
in  D.B.  shows  that  e  before  s  impurum  is  omitted  much  more  often  than 
it  is  put.  According  to  BUSCH,  Laut-  und  Formenlehre  der  A.N.  Sprache 
des  XIV  Jahrhunderts  (Diss.  Greifswald  1887),  p.  9,  it  is  often  neglected  in 
many  other  early  A.N.  texts,  and  has  not  been  generally  accepted  even  in 
the  14th  cent.  Cf.  also  P.  SCHLOSSER,  Quatre  Livres  des  Hois,  p.  71.  From 
the  modern  and  old  forms  of  several  place-names  in  Normandy  we  may 
conclude  that  also  here  the  forms  with  e  were  not  used  to  the  absolute 
exclusion  of  the  others:  Sturvilla,  (1179)  =  ^treville  (Eure),  Torsel  (1310)  = 
Estorsel  (Eure),  Sprtvilla  =  l£pr4ville  (Eure),  Netreville  (Eure)  <  Esneutrevilla 
etc.  See  Die.  Topogr.  de  1'Eure.  It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  the  prothetic 
e  hardly  ever  appears  in  the  French  loan:words  in  English.  This  is  explained 
by  Behrens  as  due  to  English  apharesis  of  the  Norman  e.  Without  denying 
that  such  may  have  been  the  case,  we  will  take  this  opportunity  of  suggest- 
ing another  explanation.  If  in  connected  speech  there  was  a  continual 
interchange  of  forms  with  e  and  without,  it  would  seem  highly  probable 
that,  in  the  very  act  of  borrowing,  the  forms  without  e  were  preferred  by  the 
English,  as  being  more  natural  and  more  in  accordance  with  their  own 
vocabulary. 

E.    Anglo-Norman  ser,  sir,  sar  is  substituted  for  English  (/r). 

1 .  Shropham  (Nf.)  <  O.E.  scrap,  Mdf.,  p.  114.  2.  Shrewsbury  (Sh.) 
<  O.E.  Scrobbesburh,  A.S.  Chr.  3.  Shropshire  or  Salop  <  O.E.  Scrobbes- 
byrigscir,  A.S.^_Chr.  4-  Shrawardine  (Sh.),  pron.  [:  shrecd'n],  ELLIS  V,  p.  183. 

D.B.      Screp-,     Scerep-,     Serepham1,    Sciropesberie3 ,    Sciropescire*, 

Saleurdine*. 
1  2th  c.  —  Florence  of  Wo.    (Mon.  Brit.).    Scrobesburia*.    Inq.  El.  Scerep- 

ham*.    Henry   of  Huntingdon  (Mon.  Brit.).     Scropsire*,  Salop- 

scire*,  Salopsyre*.     Pi.B.     Salopescira*  (1155). 
1 3th  c.  —  O.B.     Salopia^    Salopsire9.     Oh.B.     Screpham1    I,  Salop*   (1225), 

Screwardin4.    H.B.     Salopisbur'*,    Salop'9,    Schrewardin*.     Index. 

Scropham*  (1286).     MS.  Jesus  Coll.  Oxford.     Slobschire*.   P.B. 

Salop*   (72-81),    Salopesbiry*  (16—25),  Salopsire9  (32—45).     T.N. 

Salop'*,  Salop'*,  Sre.wardin*. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  57 

1 4th  c.  —  F.A.     Salopia*.    P.B.    Shreusbury*,  Shrouesbury*,  Salop9  (91—96), 

Shrouesbury*  (1399—1401). 
15th  c.  —  Capgrave.    Schreuisburyz,  p.  282,  Schrovysbury* ,  p.  157.  I.P.M. 

Salop9.     P.B.     Salop*. 

The  combination  (/r)  presented  especially  great  difficulties. 
There  existed  no  initial  (/)  in  the  A.N.  dialect  of  the  llth  cent. 
Hence  (s)  seems  to  have  been  substituted  for  (/).  To  facilitate 
the  pron.  a  svarabhaktic  vowel  was',  moreover,  inserted  betveen  s 
and  r:  Serepham,  D.B.,  Sciropesberie,  D.B. 

The  form  Salop,  which  is  still  often  used  by  the  side  of 
Shropshire,  exhibits  a  third  A.N.  peculiarity,  dissimilation  of 
r  to  I 

The  local  pron.  of  Shrewsbury  is  [:  sroozbri]  or  t[:  soozbri], 
with  dissimilatory  loss  of  r.  See  ELLIS  V,  p.  183.  This  (s)  is 
hardly  due  to  French  influence.  It  merely  reflects  a  change  of 
(/r)  >  (sr)  not  uncommon  in  the  Midland  dialects.  See  E.D. 
Gr.  §  338. 

The  peculiar  appearance  of  ew  by  the  side  of  ow  in  forms 
of  the  14th  c.  etc.  has  been  explained  by  Professor  EKWALL, 
Jones's  Phonography  §  264  foot-note,  as  due  to  the  analogy  of 
such  pairs  as  shrgu:  shrpu  etc.  According  to  Rippmann,  Shrews- 
bury is  still  pronounced  (/rouzbari)  and  (/ruwzberi). 


§  4.    Anglo-Norman  ((h)  is  substituted  for  English  initial  (j). 

1.     The  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  prevailed  1. 

1.     Jarrow    (Du.),  pron.  (o^aerou),  Tanger  <C  O.E.  gyruum,  Bede,  Sweet 
O.E.T.  p.  564  2.     2.     Jesmond  (Nb.)  on  the  Jess,  from  which  it  probably  has 


1  The    symbol    3    hardly    occurs    in    the    records    we    have  consulted. 
Whether    3    is    unknown    to    the  MSS.  themselves,  or  the  respective  editors 
have    not     made   any  distinction  between  g  and  3,  we  are  unable  to  decide. 
j   is    much    more    usual    than  »',  and,  here  again,  it  is  doubtful  whether  this 
represents    the    original    state    of   affairs.     However,  the  mere  circumstance 
that  i  does  occur  seems  to  prove  that  the  editors  have  distinguished  between 
the  two  symbols. 

2  Jarrow,    the    birth-place    of   the    Venerable    Bede,    once    possessed 
a   famous    monastery  &  (founded    in    680),    of   which    the    ruins    still   remain; 
BAKTH. 


58  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

derived  its  name1.  3.  Jagdon  (Sh.).  4.  Jevington  (Ss.);  cf.  O.E.  com- 
pounds with  Gef-  like  Gejwine,  Gefwulf,  Searle.  5.  Jervaulx  (Yo.),  pron. 
(d3aavou),  Rippmann  <  O.E.  eofor  and  O.Fr.  val,  vaus  2. 

D.B.     Lagedone*,  Lovingetone*. 

12th  c.  —  Florence  of  Wo.     Girvum1.     Symeon  of  Du.     Girvum1. 

1  3th  o.  —  C.B.  Gese-,  Jessemuth*  (88-96),  Yeverton  *  (79—88),  Gevyngton4, 
Jevyngton4  (88—96).  Oh.B.  Gevyngton*  (1295),  Jorevallis5,  Jero- 
vaU*  I,  Jorevall*  II.  H.B.  Gesemuthe*,  Jagedone*,  Gewington*. 
I.P.M.  Jagedjn*  (Hen.  III.).  Index.  Jezemue*.  Nb.  Bolls. 
Jesemm*  (1256),  Gesemue*  (1279).  P.B.  Gervaus5,  de  Gerrevalli- 
bus6,  Gyrivall*  (32—47).  T.N.  Josemouth*.  Yo.  I.P.M.  Jerveaux5. 

14th  c.  —  C.B.  *Jesmuthz  (41—43),  Gervaux*  (46—49).  F.A.  Zesemuth* 
(1346).  Index.  Jesemuth*  (1334).  Inventory  of  Jarrow  (Surtees 
Soc,  29).  Jarowe1,  Jarue\  Jarvwe*  (1303).  P.B.  Jarrow^  (27— 30), 
Gesmonth*  (1399—01).  Yo.  S.B.  Jerovallis,  -walk,  -valle*  (1301). 

15th  o.  —  I.P.M.  Jevyngton*.  Index.  Jesmowethe*  (3421).  Inventory  of 
Jarrow.  Zarowe1  (1427),  P.B.  Jesmounde*  (01—05),  Yakedon* 
(01—05),  Jervaux*  (01—05),  Jorvall*  (67—77).  Ss.  S.B.  Jevyn. 
ton*  (1411). 

1 6th  c.  —  Inventory  of  Jarrow.  Jarow1  (1508),  Yarow1  (1526).  V.B. 
Jorevalle*. 


2.     The  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  not  prevailed. 

1.  Yaxley  (Hu.),  probably  <  O.E.  geac,  Mdf.,  p.  56;  cf.  also  O.E, 
Gcecceledh,  Geakeslea,  laceslea,  Kemble  579,591  etc.  2.  Yawthorp  (Li.)  < 
O.E.  lol,  Ma,  Searle.  3.  Yarborough  (Li.)  <  O.E.  eorjt;  cf.  eordburge, 
Eorthebytiy}g,  Birch  758,  598.  4.  Yaxham  (Nf.)  <  O.E.  geac.  5.  Yarmouth 
(Nf.)  has  derived  its  name  from  the  River  Yare,  the  Garriennus  of  the 
Ptolemy  (FOBBIGER,  III,  p.  282),  afterwards  called  the  Gerne,  Yerne;  TAYLOB, 
Names,  p.  298.  6.  Yockleton  (Sh.).  7.  Yoxford  (Sf.)  <  O.E.  geoc,  Mdf., 
p.  60.  8.  Yarmouth  (Sf.),  suburb  of  Yarmouth  (Nf.),  with  which  it  is 
connected  by  a  bridge  over  the  Yare.  9.  Yaxley  (Sf.)  <  O.E.  laceslea,  Thorpe. 
1O.  Yokefleet  (Yo.)  <  O.E.  gcoc.  11.  Youlton  (Yo.)  <  lol,  Tola.  12« 
Yarm  (Yo.).  1 3.  Yapham  (Yo.).  1 4.  Yafforth  (Yo.),  perhaps  <  O.E.  ea, 
Mdf.,  p.  45. 


The  immediate  neighbourhood  of  the  important  town  of  New- 
castle, which  derived  its  name  from  a  fortress  built  in  1080  by  a  son  of 
William  the  Conqueror,  may  have  contributed  to  the  victory  of  the  Nor- 
man forms. 

2    Jervaulx    was  the  seat  af  a  celebrated  Cistercian  abbey  founded  in 
1156;  EARTH. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  59 

D.B.  Lolestorp*,  Loletorp*,  Gereburg*,  liachesham4,  Jachesham*, 
Jakesham*,  Gernemwab,  Loclehuile* ',  Gokesford1,  Jernesmua*,  Gerne- 
mutha*,  Jacheslea9,  Lugufled™,  Lucufled10,  Jugufled10,  Loletune", 
Larun1*,  Jaforde1*. 

1  2th  c.  —  Index.  Yerbitrg*  (c.  1160),  Jerdeburch9,  Joscefort1  (1156).  Li.  S. 
Jerburc*.  Sf.  P.F.  Jaches-,  Jakele9.  Yo.  P.F.  Jaforde™  (1191). 

1  3th  c.  —  G.R.  Yolthorp*  (72—79),  Gernem"0  (27—31).  Ch.B.  Jackeslada1, 
Jakle1  I,  Gernemuth,  -mue5  II,  Yokethil*  I,  Jokesford1  II,  Yuc.ke- 
flet10  I,  Japum13  II.  H.B.  Jake-,  Jackele\  Yolthorp\  Yerdeburch-, 
burges,  Jordeburge*,  Jertheburge*,  Jerne-,  Gernemuta5 ,  Gernemue*, 
Yokelcul6,  lakes-,  loxford1,  Gernemuta*,  Jakele9,  Yarom1*,  Jarwm12, 
Yapam13.  Index.  Jakesle1  (1227),  Jaxham4*  (Edw.  I.),  Jokes-,  Joke- 
ford1,  Jakele9  (1296).  La3amon.  Gernemude5  A,  lernem'*  E, 
v.  30543.  P.B.  Jakele^  (25—32),  Gernemue5,  Jernemue*  (16—25). 
B.G1.  yarnemouthe5,  ^ermouthe'0 ,  v.  3429.  Sf.  P.P.  lokeford1, 
Yoxford1,  Jeme-,  Gernemuth*,  lakeslee9,  Jakele9.  T.N.  Jerne- 
muta5,  Gernemue*,  Jernemuth*,  Jaru'1*,  Yappu'ls,  Japumls  Yo. 
I.P.M.  Yokflet*0,  Jolton™,  Yolton",  Jarum1*,  Yapum1*,  J afford" 
Eiford^.  Yo.  K.Q.  Jafford™.  Yo.  S.B.  Yucflet10  (1297).  ' 

1 4th  o.  —  O.B.  Yakes-,  Jakesle1  (46—49),  Yerdeburg*  (07—13),  Jokethull* 
(18—23).  F.A.  lakeleghe1  (1316),  Yolthorpe*,  Yerdburgh3,  Yord- 
burgh3,  Jordeborw3,  Yakesham*,  laxham*,  Gervemerthe5  (1346). 
Index.  Jernemuth'0  (1353),  Joxford7  (1356),  Jakesle9  (1343),  Yaxle9 
(1335),  Jarum1*  (1327).  P.B.  Jakele1  (27—30),  Jakesle1  (43—45), 
Yakeslaye1  (45—48),  Jakes-,  Yakesle*  (77—81),  Joldethorpe*  (45—48), 
Jerdeburgh*  (27—30),  Jordeburgh*  (45—48),  Jernemutha*  (43—45), 
Jernemuth5  (81—85,  1399—01),  Yokelton6  (77—81),  Yocul-,  Yokel- 
ton«  (81—85),  Yoxford1  (27-30),  Joxford1  (43—45),  Jakeslee9 
(43—45).  BBr.  Germue*,  Gerncmeue5,  mue\  p.  252.  Sf.  P.F. 
Yoxforde\  Jernemuta*,  Jakesle9,  Yakesle9.  Sf.  S.B.  Jernemutha* 
(1327).  Yo.  N.V.  Yafforde".  Yo.  S.B.  Yiolton11,  Yolton11 
(1301),  Jarum1*  (1301),  Jafforde^  (1301). 

15th  o.  —  Capgrave.  Yermoth*,  p.  208.  F.A.  lakesle1  (1428).  I.P.M. 
Yaxle9  (Hen.  VII.).  Index.  Yermouth*  (1464),  Jernomewth'0  (1420), 
Yakesle9  (1412).  P.B.  Yakyslee1  (01—05),  Yarbourgh8  (61—67), 
Yerburgh*  (67—77),  Jernemuth*  (01—05),  Jernemouth^  Yermothe* 
(61—67),  Yoxford1,  Jernemuth*  (1467—77).  Sf.  P.F.  Yarmouth* 
(1404),  Jernemuth*,  Yarmouth*  (1434),  Yakesle9. 

In  the  earliest  O.E.  Germanic  initial  g  had  heen  fronted 
before  primitive  front  vowels,  and  was  soon  levelled  under  O.E. 
(j)  <  Germanic  j.  Of.  O.E.  spellings  like  gung  by  the  side  of 
iung,  and  ieces,  iarwan  alternating  with  peaces,  yearwian.  Of. 
SWEET,  H.E.S.  §  543  f.  The  value  of  both  was,  no  doubt,  that 
of  a  palatal  spirant  (j).  Cf.  SIEVERS,  Ags.  Grarnm.  §  211;  CHAD- 
WICK,  Studies  in  O.E.,  p.  170  ff.  Another  source  of  O.E.  initial 


60  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

(j)  was  ja,  jo  <  ea,  eo.  See  SIEVERS,  Ags.  Gramm.  §  34  Amu., 
§  212  Anm.  2. 

Initial  (j)  was  unknown  to  the  Normans,  for  though  Latin 
g  had  been  fronted  before  a,  e,  i,  the  result  of  the  development 
was  O.Fr.  (d3),  which  sound  was  kept  till  towards  the  beginning 
of  the  13th  cent.  Cf.  NYROP,  Gramm.  §§  423,  424.  In  like 
manner  Latin  j  before  «,  e,  i  had  been  developed  to  (d3).  Cf. 
NYROP,  Gramm.  §  469. 

Consequently,  when  the  Normans  had  to  pronounce  initial 
(j)  in  English  place-names,  this  sound  had  to  modified  in  some 
way  or  other.  Here  two  possibilities  might  easily  offer  them- 
selves. Such  a  combination  as  (je)  might  be  replaced  by  either 
(ie),  or  (d3e)  l.  In  D.B.  spellings  like  liachesham,  on  the  one 
hand,  and  Jernesmua,  Gernemwa,  GroJcesford,  on  the  other,  /and  J,  G 
may  very  well  be  taken  to  denote  the  sounds  (i)  and  (d3),  respect- 
ively. We  believe  STOLZE,  p.  46,  to  be.  wrong  in  assigning  the 
value  of  [#],  [j]  to  the  above-mentioned  spellings.  Where  in 
purely  French  texts  like  -  -  to  take  one  instance  -  -  Langtoft's 
Chronicle  such  forms  occur  as  G-ernemue,  II,  p.  195  =  Yarmouth 
(Nf.),  g  was  here  certainly  not  pronounced  differently  from  g  in 
geter  (=  Mod.Fr.  jeter).  And  from  a  linguistic  point  of  view 
we  have  to  look  upon  D.B.  as  an  essentially  Norman  and  French 
work  2. 

In  this  connection  it  may  be  pointed  out  that  the  change 
of  (j)  >  (d3)  appears  also  in  loan-words  in  French  itself.  Cf.  NY- 
ROP, Gramm.  §  469.  In  support  of  our  theory  we  will,  moreover, 
draw  attention  to  a  number  of  half  popular  French  words  in 
which  for  a  long  time  the  pronunciation  (i)  +  a  vowel  inter- 
changed with  that  of  (63)  +  a  vowel:  »Pour  les  mots  qui 
conmenQaient  par  HI  A  ou  HIE,  on  a  hesite  longtemps  entre  Ma-, 
hie  et  ja-,  je:  HYCINTHUS  >  hyacinthe,  jacinthe  (etc.)  L'usage 
s'est  determine'  pour  la  forme  savante  dans  les  mots  les  plus 


1  The  substitution  of  (d3)  for  (j),  and  vice-versa,  is  a  very  natural  one. 
Many  Swedes,  when  speaking  English,  are  apt  to  replace  the  unfamiliar  Eng- 
lish combination  (dj)  by  Swedish  (j). 

1  When,  for  instance,  it  is  pointed  out  by  VAN  DEE  GAAF,  Engl. 
Studien  39,  p.  282  f.,  that  O.E.  final  d  and  ng  in  D.B.  often  appear  as  t,nc, 
this  is  only  one  more  A.N.  feature,  and  does  not  justify  us  in  concluding 
that  final  d  and  ng  had  been  unvoiced  in  the  corresponding  O.E.  dialects. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  61 

rares,  tandis  que  la  forme  populaire  a  ete  adoptee  dans  les  mots 
les  plus  usites»;  NYROP  ib.  Here  we  are  expressely  told  that  the 
forms  in  (d})  were  the  more  popular  ones,  and  it  is,  indeed,  not 
impossible  that  also  i  in  D.B.  denotes  this  sound  l. 

The  modern  pronunciation  of  Jarrow  etc.  is  our  best  test 
of  French  influence,  (d})  <  (j)  cannot  well  be  due  to  internal 
English  sound  development.  As  far  as  we  know,  (j)  was  never- 
developed  to  (63)  either  in  literary  English  or  in  the  dialects. 
The  occurrence  of  (d3)  in  districts  so  widely  separated  as  Sussex 
and  Yorkshire  also  tells  against  the  assumption  of  dialectal 
influence. 

As  to  the  M.E.  forms,  we  consider  those  in  y  to  represent 
the  native  pronunciation  (j),  those  in  g  (supposing  the  editors 
have  properly  distinguished  between  g  and  3),  j,  and  possibly 
also  i  to  indicate  the  French  pronunciation  (63) 2.  The  distinc- 
tion between  3  =  (j)  and  g  =  (g,d3)  is  well  kept  up  in  most 
M.E.  MSS.  after  the  year  1200.  Of.  WTLD,  Guttural  sounds, 
p.  150.  Though  in  some  early  texts  i  was  sometimes  employed  to 
denote  (j),  it  never  became  popular  in  this  use.  Cf.  SWEET  H.E.S. 
§  608.  j  =  (j)  we  have  noted  only  in  a  few  isolated  cases:  burje, 
La3amon  B,  v.  4264;t;'afe,  Hoccl.;  jondur,  Egl.  (Stratinann-Bradley.). 
In  French  loan-words  (63)  is  denoted  by  g,  j,  i  (more  seldom  y) 
from  the  earliest  times.  Cf.  BEHBENB,  p.  177;  HGGVELMANN,  p.  75 
ff.;  NEUMANN,  pp.  78,  80,  81,  97. 

The  French  forms  in  j,  g  are  of  comparatively  rare  occur- 
rence in  late  M.E.  records.  An  examination  of  the  first  three 
volumes  of  the  F.A.  shows  that,  in  addition  to  the  cases  given 
in  the  lists,  g  and  j  are  to  be  found  only  in  Gyvelden  =  Yelden  (Bd.), 
Jerdel  =  Yardley  (Es.),  Gelham  =  Yealdham  (Es.)  and  Grilling  = 


1  Thus  much  is  certain,  that  the  symbols  I  and  J  in  D.B.  were  often 
used    to  denote  the  same  sound.     The  two  are  very  much  alike,  and  one  is 
frequently  put  for  the  other.     Cf.  the  facsimile  ed. 

2  From    the    evidence    of    such    spellings    as    Gilvertoft,    Chelveristoft, 
Jelveristoft   Cat.  A.D.  =  Yelvertoft   (Np.),    Yelvertoft   (always),   F.A.,    we  may 
also    conclude    that  j  really  was  pronounced  (d^>,  ch  being  a  rare  variant  of 
g,   j    in    French    loan-words.     Examples    are    adduced    by   BEHEENS,  p.  177; 
HCEVELMANN,    Zum    Konsonantismus    der    altfranz.     Lehnworter    etc.     (Diss. 
Kiel  1903),  p.  77;  DIBELIUS,  p.  456.     For  A.N.  instances  see  STIMMING,  p.  237; 
MENGEE,  p.  99. 


62  R.  E-  Zachrisson 

Yelling  (Hu.).  This  latter  place  is  called  Gellyng  alias  Tellinge  in 
the  Index  as  late  as  1545.  The  15th  cent,  forms  of  list  2 
exhibit.;',  only  for  Yarmouth  (Nf.),  where  owing  to  the  consider- 
able importance  of  that  place  French  forms  were  more  likely 
to  persist. 

To  the  five  places  mentioned  in  list  1,  where  in  our  opinion 
j  __  (^3)  is  due  to  A.N.  sound-substitution,  may  possibly  be  added 
Jedburgh  (Roxb.)  called  Jedworth  and  G-edworth  in  old  records 
(see  TAYLOR,  Names,  p.  156),  and  Gerse  Hill  (Gl.),  the  early 
forms  of  which  (Yerdeshull,  1303,  Zerdeshutte,  1346,  Jerdushulle, 
1402,  F.A.),  point  to  O.E.  ^eard.  We  do  not  know  if  here  g  is 
pronouftced  (d}). 

The  modern  form  of  Jesmond  exhibits  one  more,  as  it 
would  seem,  A.N.  peculiarity.  The  original  suffix-  mouth  has  been 
replaced  by  -mond.  Whether  this  -mond  is  equal  to  A.N.  mont, 
mond  <  Lat.  montem  -  -  possibly  suggested  by  such  a  spelling  as 
Gesmonth,  where  n  is  a  mistake  for  u  -  -  or  represents  an  intro- 
duction of  the  word  mond  =  mouth  of  a  river,  we  cannot 
decide  J . 

Of  particular  interest  is  Jervaux  (Yo.),  for  here  we  can 
follow  the  various  phases  of  A.N.  influence,  the  etymology  of 
the  place  being  quite  certain.  From  its  situation  on  the  Ure 
we  may  safely  infer  that  Jervaux  is  equal  to  English  Yordale, 
Barth.  =  the  valley  of  the  Ure  2.  Ure  for  Yore  is  quite  a  mo- 
dern spelling,  not  used  until  ur  had  been  levelled  under  pr.  The 
following  old  forms  of  the  river  are  on  record:  Jor  (Hen.  II.), 
Index,  Eowere  (Hen.  III.),  Index,  Yore  Aqua,  H.R.,  Aquam  de 
Yore  (1327),  SKAIFE,  The  Survey  of  York  etc.,  Yore  (1399-1401, 
1467—77),  P.R.  The  etymology  is  obviously  O.E.  eqfor,-e,  and 
there  is  strong  reason  for  believing  that  the  name  of  the  river 
is  identical  with  the  first  element  of  Q.E.  Eoforwic,  A.S.  Chr., 
=  York.  The  city  of  York  is  situated  on  the  Ouse,  which  is 


1  Of.    COCHERIS,    Origine   et   form,    des    noms  de  lieu,  p.  23:  —  >Le 
mot   embouchure    se  dit  mund  en  allemand,  mond  en  flamand  et  mouth  en 
Anglais:  Deulemont  (Nord)  a  Tembouchure  de  la  Deule;  Tenremonde  (Belgique) 
a  1'embouchure  de  la  Dendre. 

2  In    like    manner    the    adjacent   Rievaulx    (=  the  valley  of  the  Rye 
with    R.    Abbey    has   derived    its  name  from  the  River  Rye,  on  which  it  is 
situated. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  63 

formed  by  the  confluence  of  the  Ure  and  the  Swale.  In  some 
way  or  other  Eofore  became  Yore,  which  was  turned  into  Jore 
by  the  Normans.  Hence  such  forms  as  Jorevallis,  Jorevall.  After 
this,  pretonic  o  was  changed  to  e:  G-errevallibus,  and,  with  later 
syncope  of  the  second  e,  G-ervaus.  The  appearance  of  e  for  o 
may  be  due  to  the  influence  of  the  following  e.  For  A.N.  in- 
stances of  o  for  e  owing  to  assimilation,  or  e  for  o  owing  to 
dissimilation,  see  STIMMING,  p.  177,  p.  191.  Analogical  transfor- 
mation after  numerous  French  place-names  in  Ger-  may  also 
have  been  the  cause  of  this  change. 

NOTE.  In  this  place  we  will  devote  a  few  lines  to  a  discussion  of 
the  etymology  and  development  of  York  <  O.E.  Eoforwic  A.S.  Chr.  By 
most  authorities  (CAMDEN  II,  p,  876;  TAYLOE,  Names,  p.  299  f.;  MADDEN, 
La3amon  III,  p.  315)  this  city  is  supposed  to  have  derived  its  name  from 
the  river  Ure.  We  do  not  know  if  any  historical  evidence  can  be  adduced 
in  support  of  this  theory;  if  not,  it  seems  to  us  more  probable  that  the 
river  has  been  named  after  the  city.  Taylor's  argumentation  is  utterly 
wrong.  He  thinks  that  York  is  an  analogous  case  to  the  French  place  Ivry 
(Eure)  named  after  the  Eure  <.  Ebura,  on  which  it  stands.  But  the  earliest 
forms'  of  the  Eure  are  Audura,  Authura,  :ind  in  Voltaire's  Henriade  Eure 
rhymes  on  nature  (cf.  Die.  Topogr.  de  1'Eure),  so  it  is,  or  was  at  least  for- 
merly, pronounced  with  y  <  u.  The  form  Ebura  recorded  in  the  year  1236 
is  merely  an  instance  of  false  etymological  spelling. 

By  the  Romans  York  was  called  Ebur-,  Eboracum  (cf.  FORBIGEE  III, 
p.  279)  <  Celtic  Eburus,  a  personal  name,  -|-  the  Celtic  suffix  -acum  =  >the 
abode  of  Eburus*  (cf.  D'ARBOIS  DE  JUBAINVILLE,  Revue  Celtique  VIII, 
p.  112,  p.  134),  which,  owing  to  the  fact  that  intervocalie  b  in  late  Latin 
was  pronounced  v,  easily  might  have  been  turned  into  Eoforwic  by  the 
Saxons. 

In  the  above-mentioned  work  by  Taylor  we  are  told  that  Eoforwic 
was  changed  into  Jorvik  by  the  Danes,  and  this  seems,  indeed,  to  have  been 
the  case.  Professor  Finnur  Jonsson  of  Copenhagen  has  kindly  informed  me 
that  the  form  Jorvik  appears  in  Emits  drapa  (c  1040),  v.  11  and,  about  a 
hundred  years  earlier,  in  another  Icelandic  poem  called  Arinbjarnardrapa 
by  Egill  Skallagrimsson.  According  to  NOEEEN,  Altisl.  und  Altnorweg. 
Gramm. 3  §  227,  2,  j6r  is  a  contraction  of  eofor.  The  city  of  York  was  one 
of  the  principal  Danish  settlements  in  England,  and  the  seat  of  the  Da- 
nish jarl-  On  the  stage  *Torik(e)  <  Jorvik  contraction  to  York  has 
taken  place. 

The  first  time  we  have  found  the  present  form  is  in  the  following 
interesting  passage  from  La3amon  A,  vv.  2662—73:  — 


64  K.  E.  Zachrisson 

jErest  he  makede  ane  burh  ; 

&  Kaer  Ebrauc  heo  clepede. 

fa  ofier  on  are  dune; 

Adud  he  heo  hahte. 

pa  heo  wes  icleped  Kaer  Ebrauc; 

setitien  wes  icleped  Eborac. 

Seofiden  comen  uncude  men; 

&  Eoverwic  heo  hahten. 

&  Pa  norferne  men; 

nis  hit  nawiht  yeare. 

purh  ane  unpewe; 

yeorc  (yore)  heo  ihcehten. 

MADDEN,  I.e.,  draws  attention  to  the  following  lines  from  K.G1.  (ed. 
HEAKNE,  p.  27):  —  And  suth  me  clefeth  Enermcke  this  ilke  toun  y-wis,  And 
York  also,  thorgh  light  speche,  y-hote  also  hit  is. 

Robert  of  Brunne,  p.  301,  has  ^ork,  Capgrave,  p.  264,  ^ork,  York; 
Havelok,  v.  1178,  yerk:  clerk.  The  expression  pa  norperne  men  in  Lasamon 
certainly  refers  to  the  people  of  Yorkshire,  who  are  said  to  have  adopted 
and  given  credit  to  the  Scandinavian  form. 

According  to  Hope,  the  local  pronunciation  of  the  place  is  »Yark», 
»Yorrick>. 


As  far  as  we  know,  the  theory  of  Norman  (d$  having  been 
substituted  for  initial  (j)  in  English  place-names  has  not  been 
advanced  until  now.  -  -  On  French  g  =  (63)  for  English  3  =  (j) 
in  several  names  from  the  Orrmulum  cf.  REICHMANN,  Die  Eigen- 
narnen  in  Orrmulum,  pp.  32  f.,  50  f.,  82  f.  x.  -  -  In  his  treatise 
on  English  personal  names  in  Gaimar  RATHMANN,  p.  46,  in  our 
opinion  quite  correctly,  assigns  the  value  of  (d3)  to  g  <  O.E.  3 
-f  a  palatal  vowel. 

Several  times  and  in  various  places  Prof.  Skeat  has  dwelt 
upon  the  difficulty  the  Normans  had  in  pronouncing  English 
initial  (j).  Cf.  in  particular  Transactions  of  the  Phil.  Soc,  1899  — 
1902,  p.  457,  p.  452;  Proverbs  of  Alfred  (Oxford  1907),  p.  XIV. 
He  seems  to  be  of  opinion  that  the  Normans  either  substituted 
hard  (g)  for  (j),  or  altogether  dropped  it.  We  do  not  think  he 


We  have  noted  what  seems  to  be  a  very  curious  instance  of  A.N. 
(d3)  for  English  (j)  in  a  Mod.  Engl.  surname,  viz.  Jung,  Junge.  Entries 
from  the  H.R.  like  Johannes  le  Junge,  Robert  le  Jevene,  Ralph  le  Younge 
(BABDSLEY,  Die.,  p.  438,  p.  831),  render  it  highly  probable  that  Younge  has 
been  altered  to  Jounge  either  by  French  mispronunciation,  or  owing  to  the 
influence  of  the  corresponding  French  word  Jevene. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  65 

lias  succeeded  in  giving  any  conclusive  proofs  of  such  having  been 
the  case.  Mod.  Engl.  Guildhall  for  M.E.  Yeldehalle  is,  no  doubt, 
best  explained  as  due  to  Scand.  gildi.  Cf.  BJORKMAN,  Scand. 
Loan-words,  pp.  154,  307.  —  As  to  Etiminstre,  D.B.  =  Yetminster 
(Do.),  which  is  adduced  to  illustrate  loss  of  (j)  caused  by  A.N. 
influence  (cf.  Student's  Pastime,  p.  349),  it  is  by  no  means  cer- 
tain that  the  first  Compound  contains  O.E.  ^eat\  it  may  as  well 
be  derived  from  O.E.  Eata,  Eating,  Searle.  Cf.  Yatesbury  (Wl.), 
JEtesberie,  D.B.,  Yetesbir,  Ch.R.I;  Yatton  (WL),  Etone,  D.B.  Also 
hsre  (j)  may  depend  on  the  change  of  a  falling  into  a  rising 
diphthong.  It  is,  moreover,  to  be  kept  in  mind  that  such  a 
spelling  as  eat  for  ^eat  might  occur  in  O.E.  itself  owing  to  the 
dialectal  levelling  of  ea,  eo  under  300,  300.  -  -  Real  loss  of  (j) 
we  have  noted  in  Epesuuic  (12.  c.),  Inq.  El.  <  O.E.  Gipeswic, 
A.S.  Chr.  =  Ipswich  (Sf.),  and  Ivelcestre,  Giuelcestre  (Hen.  II.), 
Pi.R.  =  Ilchester  (Sm.).  In  our  opinion  this  loss  may  be  due  to 
the  dialectal  development  32  >  i.  Though  the  first  instances  of 
itch  and  icicle  (<  O.E.  jiccan,  yiecel)  without  3  noted  in  N.E.D.  are 
not  older  than  the  14th  cent.,  i  <  31  in  verbs  occurs  as  early  as 
in  Herb.  Apuleii,  12th  c.  (see  BERBEEICH,  p.  30),  and  in  the  Jesus 
(Oxford)  MS.  of  the  13th  cent,  we  find  yvernesse,  yssing  <  O.E. 
yifernes,  ytsung  (An  O.E.  Miscellany,  p.  38),  and  ymstone  <  O.E. 
gimmstdn  (ibid.,  p.  98).  Cf.  also  SIEVERS,  Ags.  Gramm.  §  212 
Anm.  2. 

NOTE  1.  In  this  paragraph  we  have  had  occasion  more  than  once  to 
dwell  upon  the  dialectal  development  ea,  eo  >  id,  io,  which,  to  judge  from 
the  evidence  of  the  early  spellings  of  place-names,  seems  to  have  been 
quite  usual  in  early  M.E.  For  O.E.  instances  we  have  already  referred  to 
SIEVERS,  Ags.  Gramm.  More  examples  and  references  are  to  be  found  in 
SCHROER,  Die  Winteney-Vers.  der  Regula  S.  Bened.  (MS.  c.  1225),  p.  XXVI. 
-Of.  also  TACHAUER,  Laute  und  Flex,  der  Winten.-Vers.  der  Reg.  S.  Ben.,  p.  15. 
As  up  to  the  present  this  question  has  been  paid  very  little  attention  to  by 
English  philologists,  some  more  material  calculated  to  illustrate  the  sound- 
change  would  perhaps  not  be  unwelcome:  Hartleford  (GL),  lorotlaford  (a.  779), 
Index  (probably  a  late  copy).  -  Yardley  or  Ardeley  (Ht.),  Erdelei,  D.B.? 
Erdeleye,  H.R.  —  Yalding  (Ke.),  Uuest  aldingis  (1072),  Index.,  Ealdyngge 
(1411),  Index.  —  Heapham  (Li.),  Jope-,  Lopeham,  D.B.,  Jopheim,  Li.S.,  Hep- 
ham,  T.N.,  F.A.  —  Earlham  (Nf.),  Erlham,  Jierlham,  D.B.,  Erlham,  F.A., 
Index.  —  Easington  (Nb.),  Yesington  (1346),  F.A.  —  Edingworth  (Sm.),  Yaden- 
worlh  (1316),  Edeneworth  (1428),  F.A.  -  -  For  Sm.  the  Crawford  Ch.,  ed. 
NAPIER-STEVENSON,  which  exist  in  parallel  versions  from  different  times, 

5 


66  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

afford  some  excellent  instances.  To  earnes  hrycg  (a.  739)  corresponds  Yearnis 
Rygge  (loth  cent,  copy),  see  p.  55;  to  eorpgeberst  (a.  739),  yeorfiberst  (15th 
cent.),  ibid.  The  River  Yeo  is  called  Eowan  in  739,  ewyn  in  the  15th  cent. 

-  Urchfont   (Wl.),  lerchesfonte,    D.B.,  Erchesfont  (14  c.),  Index.  —  Yearsley 
(Yo.),    Eureslage,    D.B.,    Eversley,    Yeverslay   (1301),  Yo.  S.R.  —  Yeddingham 
(Yo.),    Edingham    (1301),    Yedingham   (1297),   Yo.    S.R.    -  -   Everthorpe   (Yo.),. 
Jurethorp,    Ch.R.    I.    -  -    Arncliff    (Yo.),    Erneclive,    Gerneclif,  D.B.   —  In  the 
dialects  the  phenomenon  is  widely  diffused;  cf.  E.D.  &r.  §^248.  The  examples 
recorded    under  that  paragraph,  naturally,  belong  to  different  periods  of  the 
development  of  the  language,  and  require  different  explanations.  In  some  instan- 
ces the  diphthong  has,  no  doubt,  originated  quite  recently,  in  others  it  may 
date  very  far  back.  —  We  do  not  think  BOEENER,  Die  Sprache  Roberd  Mns.  of 
Brunne  (Studien  zur  engl.  Phil,  herausg.  von  Morsbach,  XII),  p.  301,  is  right 
in    assuming    Scand.    influence    not  only  for  such  forms  as  yearth,  yarl,  but 
also    for   the   whole    phenomenon    eo,   ea  >  id,    to;  it  has  much  too  wide  a. 
range   to    admit   such    a   general    explanation.     We  feel  convinced  that  this 
whole    question,    as  well  as  that  of  31  >  i,  would  easily  be  solved  by   means 
of  a  thorough  special  investigation  based  on  the  evidence  of  the  early  spel- 
lings of  English  place-names. 

NOTE  2.  The  numerous  forms  with  L  for  J,  J  in  D.B.  (Loletorp,. 
Lucufled  etc.,  see  list  2)  are  merely  due  to  orthographic  confusion  between 
initial  J,  J  and  L,  which  are  extremely  alike  both  in  the  MSS.  of  D.B.  and 
that  of  the  Li.S.  The  only  difference  is  a  small  and  almost  invisible  stroke,  by 
means  of  which  J  or  I  is  made  into  an  L.  Loversall  (Yo.)  appears  in  D.B. 
both  as  Geureshale  and  Loureshale.  The  copyist  has  here  used  the  variant 
G  to  render  what  he  imagined  to  be  a  J"  in  the  original.  That  the  instances 
of  L  here  in  question  are  merely  due  to  careless  orthography  is  proved  be- 
yond all  doubt  by  the  fact  that  L  for  J  occurs  also  in  purely  French  words. 
Thus  Ivry,  a  place  in  Normandy,  is  called  in  the  Np.  part  of  D.B.  Juri,  Luri. 

•  In    other    records    the    same  mistake  occurs,  though  more  rarely.     Thus 
Yaxham    (Nf.)  appears   in    the  Inq.    El.    as   Lachesham,  lakesham,  Jakesham. 
Ewhurst   (Ss.)   is    called    Luvehest  in  the  Fr.  Ch.,  and  for  one  and  the  same 
person    we   find    the   spellings  Lagon  in  La^amon,  v.  2694,  corresponding  to- 
Jagon  in  Wace,  v.  1583. 


II.    Changes  in  English  place-names  due  to 
Anglo-Norman  sound-development. 

§  5.    s  is  lost  before  c,  p<  t. 

A.     In  initial  position. 
1.     The  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  prevailed. 

1 .  Tutbury  (St.),  pron.  [ti'dburt],  ELLIS  V,  p.  482,  perhaps  from  an 
unrecorded  O.E.  *Stutta  *,  pet-name  form  of  the  numerous  'compounds  with 
Stut-.  2.  Crane  End  or  Scrane  (Li.). 

D.B.     Toteberie1. 
12th  c.  —  Fr.Ch.     Stutesberia1'',  Totesbery1,  Tuttesberie1 .    Index.  Stutesbiria1 

(1180),  Screinga*  (1158). 
1  3th  c.  —  Ch.B.     Tutiebury1,  Tuttebyri1  II,  Screnge*  II.   Index.  Tuttebury^ 

(1290).     B.B.     Scrahinge*.     T.N.     Estrahinge*. 

2.     The  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  not  prevailed. 

1.  Spettisbury  (Do.).  2.  Stragglethorpe  (Li.)?  <  Stergar,  Searle.  3. 
Sturston  (Nf.).  4.  Stafford  (St.)  <  O.E.  Stce/ord,  A.S.  Chr.  5.  Stitchbrook 
(St.).  Numerous  early  forms,  all  of  them  with  s  kept,  are  adduced  by 
DUIGNAN,  St.]  Pl.Ns.,  p.  143.  6.  Stanley  (Yo.)  <  O.E.  stan.  7.  Stubbs 
Walden  (Yo.)  <  O.E.  stybb,  s^/Mdf.,  p.  123.  8.  Stapleton  (Yo.)  <  O.E. 
stapol,  Mdf.,  p.  123.  9.  Scutterskelf  (Yo.).  1  O.  Scampston  (Yo.).  1 1.  Scraying- 
ham  (Yo.). 

D.B.  Sterestuna3,  Tichebroc5,  Stanlei*,  Stubusun1,  Staplendun*, 
Codreschef9,  Codeschelf9,  Godreschelf*,  Scameston10 ,  Escraingham^. 

\  2th  c.  —     Fr.Ch.     Postebere1,  Posteberies1. 

13th  c.  —  C.B.  Stichebrok*  (72-79).  Gl.Becs.  (Geoffrey  de)  Stafford*  (1200), 
TefforV  (1210),  Steffort*.  H.B.  Stragerthorp*,  Traggart*,  Terston*. 


Of.  Stutsbury  (Np.),  Stutesbyr  (early  13  c.),  Stotesbur  (c.  1230),  Index. 


68  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

Yo.  I.P.M.  Stobis\  Stubbes1,  Scudirschelf*,  Scotherskalfe9.  Yo. 
K.Q.  Stapelton*,  Tapelton*  (pers.  name),  Scuterskelfe9,  Scothri- 
kelf9,  Scameston10. 

1  4th  c.  —  C.B.  Stragertiwrp*  (46—49).  F.A.  Stragerthorp*  (1303),  Thra- 
gerthorp*  (1316),  Thragelthorpf  (1346).  P.B.  Thragelthorpez,  Trey- 
garthorpe*  (43—45),  Skamston10  (81—85).  Yo.  N.V.  Taneley*, 
Stubbes\  Stapilton*,  Tapelton*  (pers.  name),  Scotherskelf9,  Tames- 
ton10,  Traingham11  (in  the  latter  two  forms  T  is  an  error  for  C). 
Yo.  S.R.  Tubbeswaldyng'1 :,  Scotherskelfe*,  Scameston10. 

15th  c.  —  F.A.     Shragulthorpe*  (1401),  Spectebury1  (1428). 

In  the  above  instances  we  have  no  doubt  to  do  with  real 
loss  of  s,  for  in  the  very  same  records,  or  in  records  of  about 
the  same  date,  we  have  noted  several  cases  of  addition  of  an 
unetymological  s.  As  it  is  not  always  possible  to  establish  the 
O.E.  ground-form  of  the  place-names  here  concerned,  some  of  the 
following  instances  ought  perhaps. to  have  found  a  place  among 
the  forms  illustrating  loss  of  s,  but  we  trust  that  the  distinction 
we  have  made  will  in  most  cases  prove  trustworthy. 

An  unetymological  s  is  added  before  c,  p,  t,  th  1. 

1.  Tabley  (Ch.)  <  O.E.  Tcebba,  Searte.  2.  Knolle  (Co.)  <  O.E.  cnoW, 
Mdf.,  p.  26.  3.  Totham  (Es.)  <  O.E.  Totta,  Searle.  4.  Testwood  (Ha.), 
cf.  on  Tcerstan  stream  (1045),  Index.  5.  Cliff  (Ha.)  <  O.E.  clif,  Mdf.,  p.  27. 
6.  Toxteth  (La.)  <  O.E.  Toe,  Toce,  Searle.  7.  Thimbleby  (Li.).  8.  West 
Tofts  (Nf.)  <  O.E.  toft,  Mdf.,  p.  135.  9.  Bircham  Tofts  (Nf.)  <  O.E.  toft. 
1O.  Itteringham  (Nf.).  11.  Otringhithe  (Nf.).  12.  Chedgrave  (Nf.)<O.E. 
Ceatta,  Catta,  Searle.  13.  Tharston  in  Depewada  Hundred  (Nf.).  14.  Epper- 
stone  (Nt.).  15.  Cliff  (Wl.)  <  O.E.  clif.  16.  Crofton  (Yo.)  <  O.E.  croft, 
Mdf.,  p.  31.  17.  Cusworth  (Yo.)<  O.E.  Cusa,  Cussa,  Searle.  18.  Criggles- 
tone  (Yo.).  19.  Tocketts  (Yo.). 

D.B.  Stabslei1,  Stabled,  Sclive*,  Stochcstede*,  Stinblebi7,  StimbleW, 
Toftes*,  Stoftam*,  Stofsta9,  Vtrincham",  Strincham10,  Otringeheid1  \ 
Strinkeehia11,  Scatagraua^ ,  Sterestuna™,  Sclive™,  Scrotone1*,  Scusce- 
uurde"  (1  X),  Cuzeuuorde11  (2  X),  Crigestone1*. 

12th  c.  —  Index.     Catkegrave1*,     Yo.  P.F.     Crigleston™. 

13th  c.  —  Ch.B.  Tyrndc-,  Thimelesby1,  Epereston1*  II,  Crofton™  II,  Cusse- 
worthaml\  H.B.  Themel-,  Tymel-,  Thymelby\  ItringJiam™,  Thers- 
ton18,  Sterstnn1*.  Index.  Totham3,  Totteham0,  Otrigeide11  (1203). 
La.  P.P.  Toxtath*  (1298).  B.B.  Timbleby'1  (1210).  T.N.  Tocke- 
stach*  (ch  for  th\  Itringham10,  Eperiston".  Yo.  K.Q.  Thocotes™ 

1  From  a  Norman  point  of  view  initial  p,  th  was  equal  to  t.    Cf.  §  2. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  69 

(pers.  name),  Tocottes™,  Toucotes™,  Stoucotes1*.    Yo.  S.R.   1297. 

Crofton16,  Cusceivrth11,  Krigelston18 . 
1 4th  c.  --  F.A.     Scnoll*   (1303),    Knolle*   (1346),  Tersteivode*  (1316,  46),  (Ri- 

cardus)    Sterstewode*    (1316),    Toftes*,    Itringham10,    Oteringhithe*1, 

Chategrave™,  Therston1*,  Sterston1*  (1346),  (Ricardus  de}  Therston™, 

Sterston™   (1302,  16,  46),    Eperston"   (1302,  16),  Sperston1*  (1346). 

P.B.      Westoftys*  (1399—01),     Crofton™    (1399—01).      Yo.    N.V. 

Croffeton™. 
\  5th  c.  —  F.A.     Knolle*   (1428),    Totham3   (1428),   (Thomas')  Stotham*  (1428). 

P.B.     Crigilston™  (67—77). 
1  6th  c.  —  Index.     Scregylston™  (1555). 


That  s  was  pronounced  before  c,  p,  t,  when  the  Normans 
first  settled  in  England  is  evident  from  the  phonology  of  the 
French  loan-words  in  English,  in  which  almost  without  excep- 
tion s  is  kept  in  this  position.  Where  s  is  lost,  the  loan  is  of 
a  more  recent  date.  In  O.Fr.  loss  of  s  in  this  position  dates 
far  back.  Already  towards  the  end  of  the  12th  cent,  we  find 
instances  of  s  having  been  dropped  or  unetyrnologically  added 
before  c,  p,  t,  and  in  the  course  of  the  13th  cent,  the  loss  seems 
to  have  been  completed.  Cf  on  this,  as  far  as  details  go,  very 
difficult  question,  MENGER,  p.  105  ft;  STIMMING,  p.  225  f.;  NY- 
EOP,  Gramm.  §  462;  NEUMANN,  Zur  Laut-  und  Flexionslehre  des 
Altfranz.  (Heilbronn  1878),  p.  108  ff;  W.  KORITZ,  Uber  das  s 
vor  Kons.  im  Franz)  (Diss.  Strassburg  1885). 

This  A.N.  sound-law  did  not,  as  a  rule,  extend  its  sphere 
of  action  to  the  French  loan-words  in  English1.  The  English 
place-names  on  the  other  hand  have,  naturally,  participated  in 
this  general  sound-change,  and  the  instances  of  loss  or  addition 
of  an  inorganic  s  noted  above  are,  in  all  probability,  due  to 
the  circumstance  that  the  Normans  of  those  times  could  no 
longer  properly  pronounce  English  s  before  c,  p,  t. 


1  Only  in  a  few  cases  sporadic  loss  of  s,  owing  to  later  French  in- 
fluence, has  been  noted:  hopctall,  Machyn  25526  (a.  1550—63),  see  DIEHL, 
Anglia,  XXIX,  p.  188,  and  ametite:  sersolitte,  Ipomedon,  see  KOLBING. 
Inorganic  s  appears  in  irritaste,  Letters  of  Queen  Elizabeth  (DiEHL,  ib.). 
One  more  example  adduced  by  Diehl,  tenstes  (=  tentes\  Machyn  1581  anm.,  is  to 
be  compared  with  mestes  (=  metes),  Alfred's  Proverbs,  v.  615  (ed.  SKEAT,  1907), 
wcestres  (=  wcetres)  Inaction,  v.  11770,  and  here  s  is  best  explained  as  due 
to  anticipation  of  the  following  s.  Thus  LUHMANN,  La3amon,  p.  51. 


70  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

We  admit  that  the  s  of  a  preceding  word  may  sometimes 
have  caused  addition  or  subtraction  of  s.  Thus  Stochestede,  D.B. 
(for  Tochestede)  <  Wes-,  Estochestede  =  West  and  East  Toxteth 
(La.) ;  Stoftam  D.B.  (for  Toftam)  <  Westoftam  =  West  Tofts  (Nf .) 
etc.  When  the  name  of  the  owner  immediately  preceded  the 
place-name  the  s  of  the  genitive  might  easily  be  prefixed  to  the 
latter :  Sclive  (for  Clive  =  Cliff)  <  *Kingesdive  etc.  In  like  man- 
ner s  may  have  been  transferred  from  the  name  of  the  person 
to  that  of  the  place  in  such  entries  as  Thomas  Stofham  (1428), 
F.A.  =  Totham  (Es.),  Eicardus  Sterstewode  (1316),  F.A.  =  Test- 
wood  (Ha.) x. 

But  by  far  the  greater  part  of  our  instances  do  not  admit 
of  such  explanations.  Sperston  (1316),  F.A.  =  Epperston  (Nt.)> 
Strincham,  D.B.  =  Itteringham  (Nf.),  StrinJceehia  D.B.  =  Otring- 
hithe  (Nf.)  can  only  be  accounted  for  as  A.N.  spellings  indicating 
a  pronunciation  Eper-,  Etr- 2.  And  the  occurrence  of  Posteberies, 
Fr.Ch.  =  Spettisbury  (Do.)  in  some  purely  French  charters  goes 
far  to  prove  that  also  loss  of  s  is  a  sign  of  French  influence. 
Cf.  also  spellings  of  French  place-names  like  Sparnascum  (1223), 
Pernacum  (1257),  Pernascum  (1252)  =  Epernay  (Marne);  Stricheium 
(1189),  Tricky  (1300)  =  fitrechy  (Marne);  Torsel  (1310)  =  Estorsel 
(Eure);  Sprevilla  =  Epreville  (Eure).  Cf.  the  series  Dictionnaires 
Topographiques. 

With  some  hesitation  we  have  pointed  to  Crane  (Li.)  and 
Tutbury  (St.)  as  two  instances  of  the  French  forms  having  pre- 
vailed. In  the  case  of  Crane  the  circumstance  that  all  early 
references  we  have  found  exhibit  s  renders  French  influence 
rather  doubtful.  Tutbury  (St.)  <  O.E.  * Stuttesbeorh,  -byrig  seems 
to  be  one  certain  example.  Numerous  12th  cent,  forms  like 
Slutesberia  etc.  (cf.  list  A  1;  a  few  more  early  forms  with  s  are 
given  by  Duignan)  undoubtedly  point  to  original  st 3. 


1  In  the  English  Sir  Beves  (E.E.T.S.,  E.S.  46,  48,  65)  Beves'  horse  is  ge- 
nerally called  Trenchefise,  Trinchefia  etc.  Once  only  occurs  Strenchefis,  and 
the  addition  of  8  is  here,  certainly,  due  to  the  cirumstance  that  the  preceding 
word  ends  in  «.  The  whole  passage  runs:  Beves  Strenchefis  bestrit,  p.  90. 

1  Cf.  D.B.  spellings  like  Sbernestune,  Esberneston  =  Osbaston  (Sh.,  Li.); 
Stope  =  Easthope  (Sh.). 

8  In  the  case  of  Tutbury  historical  evidence  strongly  supports  our 
theory  of  French  sound-change.  Tutbury  was  in  Norman  times  a  very  im- 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  71 

In  his  work  on  Staffordshire  place-names  Duignan,  refer- 
ring to  SKEAT'S  Principles  of  English  Etyrn.  II,  p.  234,  advances 
the  theory  that  s  in  the  12th  cent,  forms  of  Tutbury,  as  well  as 
present  s  in  Stitchbrook,  are  excrescent,  and  have  originated  in 
the  same  way  as  s  in  splash  <  plash  etc.  In  our  opinion  such  an 
explanation  is  highly  improbable.  -  -  In  Bardsley's  Dictionary  we 
find  several  pairs  of  names  with  s  and  without,  which  are  stated 
to  be  etymologically  identical:  /Scripps  <  Crips  (p.  673),  /S'pur- 
<3ance  <  Purdance  (p.  710),  /Sturgis  <  Turgis  (p.  725),  Pichfatt< 
Spichfat  (p.  707),  Pilsbury  <  /S'pilsbury  (Ox.)  (p.  606),  Pickernell 
<  tfpicknell  (p.  603),  tfnazel  <  Kneesall  (Li.),  (p.  700).  In  an 
article  on  movable  s  (»das  bewegliche  s»),  Archiv  116,  p.  41  ff., 
EITTEE  quotes  all  these  instances,  and  also  adds  /Swithold  <  Withold. 
Of  Bardsley's  examples  only  /Snazel  <  Kneesall  is  by  Hitter  marked 
as  dubious.  In  fact,  Bardsley  has  proved  the  supposed  identity 
only  in  the  case  of  Cripps  and  Scrips,  $purdance  and  Purdance, 
which  really  occur  in  entries  relating  to  the  same  person.  We 
cannot  but  feel  somewhat  sceptical  towards  a  theory  according 
to  which  s  has  been  added  to  personal  names  and  place-names, 
in  the  same  way  as  it  is  added  dialectally  to  ordinary  words  1. 
For  all  we  know,  /Shazel  has  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  Knee- 
sall. Nor  has  Pilsbury  with  /S'pilsbury.  There  is  one  place  in 
Oxfordshire  called  /S'pilsbury,  another  in  Derbyshire  called  Pils- 
bury, from  which  the  two  personal  names,  no  doubt,  have 
originated.  The  old  forms  we  have  ascertained  do  not  show  any 
interchange  of  p  and  sp.  -  Why  not  derive  Sturgis  from  an 
O.E.  *Siurgisl?  It  is  true  this  form  is  not  recorded,  but  Searle 
cites  Stur  and  Sturstan  as  O.E.  names.  -  -  Why  could  not  Swith- 
old  be  due  to  an  O.E.  name  compounded  with  Switli-,  e.g.  Swith- 
weald,  Searle,  recorded  as  early  as  in  the  Liber  Vitse?  Loss  of 
•  s  in  tfpichfat  and  /Spicknell  (?  <  spile,  »lardum»,  Spigurnellus, 


portant  place,  often  mentioned  in  the  old  records.  Cf.  the  following  pas- 
sage from  CAMDEN  I,  p.  643:  •  »Tutbury-castle  (also  called  Stutesbury) 
formerly  very  large,  and  commanding  the  lower  Country  by  its  high  situa- 
tion on  an  Alabaster-hill.  It  was  built  by  Henry  cle  Ferrars,  a  noble  Nor- 
man, to  whom  William  the  First  gave  large  possessions  in  this  County. » 

1  As  to  the  question  of  movable  s  cf.  PAUL  und  BBAUNE,  Beitrage  29, 
p.  479  ff . ;  E.D.Gr.  §  323,  KBUISINGA  §  363,  and  the  above-mentioned  article 
-by  Ritter. 


72  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

Du  Cange)  may  depend  on  A.N.  sound  development.  In  our 
opinion  addition  of  so  called  movable  s  to  personal  names  and 
place-names  can  only  take  place  if  the  name  itself  or  one  of  it& 
elements  is  identical  with  a  word  which  in  the  spoken  language 
exhibits  both  forms.  Thus  tfcripps  may  really  be  one  instance 
of  movable  s  having  been  added  to  Crips.  Among  the  instances 
we  have  adduced  of  addition  of  s  to  place-names,  movable  s- 
would  be  admissible,  at  the  utmost,  for  Scrigglestone  <  Criggles- 
tone,  supposing  there  existed  in  the  dialect  two  words  criggle 
and  scriggle  with  about  the  same  sense. 

NOTE.  In  this  place  we  want  to  draw  special  attention  to  a  very 
curious  and  hitherto  unnoticed  circumstance,  viz.  that  loss  ef  s  before  c,  p,  t 
appears  as  early  as  in  D.B.  And  this  loss  is  not  confined  to  the  English 
words,  it  also  appears  in  one  French  name:  Ricard  Estormid,  Estormit, 
Sturmid;  Radulf  Sturm,  Turmit  (HILDEBEAND,  p.  335)  =  Mod.  Fr.  Le^ourmi 
<  Scand.  storm,  see  JORET,  p.  93.  This  remarkable  form  is  not  even  men- 
tioned by  Hildebrand  in  his  account  of  the  language  of  D.B. 

We  are  quite  aware  that  some  of  the  D.B.  instances  we  have  adduced 
in  the  lists  heading  this  paragraph  are  open  to  several  objections.  It 
may  be  reasoned  thus,  c  for  sc  and  sc  for  c  are  mere  spellings.  Cf.  the 
analysis  of  the  use  of  s,  c,  sc  in  D.B.,  §  1,  Appendix  B.  Other  instances 
may  be  due  to  occasional  addition  or  subtraction  caused  by  the  s  of  a  pre- 
ceding word.  Lastly,  loss  of  initial  s  is  perhaps  better  explained  as  due  to 
sound-substitution  \  Nevertheless,  two  instances  remain  for  which  none  of 
these  explanations  would  hold  good:  Strincham  and  Strinkeehia  =  Ittering- 
ham  (Nf.)  and  Otringhithe  (Nf.).  Moreover,  loss  and  addition  of  s  is  not 
confined  to  initial  position.  The  following  examples  may  serve  to  illustrate 
the  appearance  of  the  same  phenomena  in  medial  position  as  well:  Witenesto, 
D.B.  =  Wistow  (Le.),  Wisletiestowe,  T.N.  <  O.E.  Wigstan,  Wistan,  Searle;  lest, 
D.B.  =  Lathe,  division  of  land  in  Kent  etc.;  Otrinctun,  Ostrinctun,  D.B.  = 
Otterington  (Yo.),  Oterington,  Yo.  K.Q.  and  N.V.,  probably  <  O.E.  oter,  Mdf., 
p.  100;  Eschintone,  Echentone,  D.B.  =  Eckington  (Ss.)  <  O.E.  Ecca,  Searle; 
-hert  for  -herst  is  very  usual  in  D.B.  Cf.  STOLZE.  p.  42.  One  more  thing  is 
well  worth  mentioning  here.  O.E.  (yt)  in  cniht  etc.  is  very  often  rendered 
by  st  in  D.B.  Examples  might  be  quoted  from  nearly  every  county.  This 
also  points  to  a  weak  pronunciation  of  s  'before  c,  p,  t 2. 


There  are  a  few  rare  instances  of  very  early  loss  of  initial  8  even 
in  French  words  derived  from  Latin.  Cf.  DIEZ,  Gramm.  I4,  p.  243,  p.  454. 
1  Though  sporadic  loss  of  s  before  c,  p,  t  is  evidenced  already  in  late 
Latin,  this  can  hardly  be  placed  in  any  connection  with  its  later  disap- 
pearance in  O.Fr.  Cf.  on  this  point  SEELMANN,  Die  Aussprache  des  Lat., 
p.  316;  SCHUCHAEDT,  Der  Vokalismus  des  Vulgarlateins  II,  p.  354  f. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  73 

From  what  has  been  said  above,  we  seem  justified  in  concluding  that 
at  the  time  when  the  existing  copies  of  D.B.  were  written  the  sound-change 
owing  to  which  s  was  lost  before  c,  p,  t  had  already  commenced.  As  early 
as  1086  such  a  loss  is  not  admissible.  Consequently,  we  have  here  another 
proof  that  the  D.B.  MSS.  are  not  as  old  as  is  generally  supposed. 


B.    In  medial  position. 

1.     The  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  prevailed. 

\ .  Exeter  (Dv.).  2.  Gloucester  (Gl.).  3.  Cirencester  (Gl.). ,  4.  Fro- 
cester  (Gl.).  5.  Bicester  (Ox.).  6.  Leicester  (Le.).  7.  Wroxeter  (Sh.).  8. 
Kocester  (St.).  9.  Mancester  (Wa.).  1O.  Worcester  (Wo.).  Here  belong 
also  Alcester  parish  (Do.),  Craster  (Nb.),  Towcester  (Np.),  Alcester  (Wa.),  of 
which  we  have  found  no  spellings  without  s. 

1 3th  c.  —  Ch.B.  Exeter1  (1292).  Lasamon.  Axcetre1  A,  v.  30865,  Glocet'e2 
A,  v.  16708,  Leycetre6  B,  v.  2915.  R.G1.  Excetre\  Gloucetre\ 
Claucetre*,  Leicetre*,  Roucetre*,  Wircetre10  (cf.  the  Index  to  Wright's 
edition).  Tax.  Eccl.  Mancetre9, 

14th  c.  —  O.B.  Exeter1  (07— 13).  Index.  Glousetre*  (1374),  Rameter*  (1392). 
William  of  Palerne.  glouseter*,  v.  166. 

15th  c.  —  Capgrave.  Excetre1,  p.  122,  Excetir,  p.  196,  Glouceter*,'  p.  136, 
Cicetir*,  p.  275,  Leycetir*,  p.  118,  p.  157,  Wyscetir10,  p.  281,  Wy- 
cetir10,  p.  292.  I.P.M.  Exeter*  (Hen.  VII.),  Bysseter6  (1495).  Nt.Becs. 
Glowecetter*  (1484).  Paston  Letters.  Exsater1  (see  NEUMANN, 
p.  108)  Worceter10  (ibid.,  p.  52),  Worseter10  (ibid.,  p.  87). 

16th  c.  —  V.B.  Glouccfer*,  Glociter*,  Glocitershire2,  Cirincetre*,  Frowceter*, 
Froucettour4,  Biscyf'0,  Leiceter®,  Wroxcetor1,  Wroxcetour1,  Wroxtor1, 
Rocettre8,  Mancettur9,  Worceter10. 


2.     The  Anglo-Norman  forms  have  not  prevailed. 

1.     Colchester  (Es.).     2.     Winchester  (Ha.).     3.    Godmanchester  (Hu.). 
4.     Horncastle  (La.) l.     5.     Chichester  (Ss.). 

12th  c.  —  Index.     Gutmuncetre3  (1146—54). 

1 3th  c.  —  H.B.     Colcetre\  Hornecatre*.  B.G1.    Wincetre*,  Wincheter*,  Cicetre*. 

Though  owing  to  A.N.  influence  medial  s  before  c,  p,  t  was, 
no    doubt,    lost    in  many  other  English  place-names  2,  the  forms 

1  The    second    element    originally    contained    O.E.    ccester,    which    in 
comparatively  recent  times  was  replaced  by  castle. 

2  To  the  instances  we  have  already  adduced  from  D.B.  may  be  added 
Glatirioergere,    Mousket,    v.  18506,   Witenehet,  Fr.Ch.  =  Wheatenhurst  (Gl.),  as 


74  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

without  s  do  not  seem  to  have  prevailed  except  in  the  case  of 
ceter  <  cester.  We  have  therefore  devoted  this  section  solely  to 
the  study  of  the  cefer- forms.  Under  this  heading  we  will,  more- 
over, consider  the  further  development  of  these  forms,  thus 
trying  to  define  in  how  far  their  present  spelling  and  pronun- 
ciation in  general  depends  on  English  or  French  sound-develop- 
ment. 

That  cester  was  pronounced  ceter  is  proved  not  only  by  the 
spellings  without  5,  but  also  by  rhymes  like  Wyrceterre:  letter, 
R.G1.  (see  F.  PABST,  Die  Sprache  des  R.  von  Gl.,  Diss.  Berlin 
1889,  p.  136),  as  well  as  the  modern  pronunciation  of  Exeter 
and  Cirencester. 

The  first  instances  of  loss  of  s,  to  which  we  can  assign  a 
comparatively  safe  date,  are  from  La3amon  A  (c.  1220):  Axcetre, 
Glocet'e,  and,  in  all  probability,  also  Glocecre  (=  Glocetre),  v. 
16482,  which  form  LUHMANN,  p.  51,  marks  as  dubious.  From 
this  time  downward  s  was  certainly  no  longer  pronounced, 
although  it  was  mostly  kept  in  the  spelling.  In  Capgrave's 
chronicle  the  s-  less  forms  are,  curiously  enough,  the  most 
usual  ones. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  some  places  in  modern  Chester, 
as  also  one  in  -castle  <  earlier  -caster,  exhibit  M.E.  forms  in 
-ceter,  -cater:  Colcetre,  Ciceire,  Wincetre,  Horncatre,  Gutmuncetre. 
The  latter  form  would  be  a  very  early  instance  of  loss  (c.  1150), 
supposing  it  is  taken  from  an  original  charter  and  not  —  which  is 
more  probable  -  -  from  a  late  copy. 

In  his  above-mentioned  treatise  on  the  language  of  R.G1. 
PABST,  p.  136,  accounts  for  the  loss  of  s  in  cester  in  a  way 
quite  different  from  ours:  »Wir  konnen  also  den  Schluss 

ziehen,  dass  der  Ausfall  des  s  vor  dem  tr  einzig  und  allein  durch 
das  Vorhaudensein  des  vorhergehenden  c  herbeigefiihrt  worden 
ist,  und  dieser  Schluss  wird  auch  fiir  das  obige  auncetres  x  gelten. 


also  some  inverted  spellings  like  cet  Cynestan,  A.S.  Chr.,  MS.D.  =  Kintbnry 
(Be.),  Cheneteberie,  D.B.;  Lastus  de  Sutton  (1316),  F.A.  =  The  Lathe  (division 
-of  land),  of  Sutton  (Ke.). 

1  As  to  ancetcr  <.  ancester  we  are  of  opinion  that  the  transition  is  due 
to  the  analogy  of  the  numerous  -ceter  forms.  Spellings  like  ancetcr  appear 
at  the  very  time  when  cester  must  have  been  generally  pronounced  ceter: 
aunceter,  Ch.,  C.T.,  v.  6737  awiceterez,  All.  P.  2.,  258  aunceteres,  Will ,  v.  5132; 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  75 

Wir  haben  es  mit  einer  Dissimilation  zu  thun,  die  wahrscheinlich 
erst  auf  englischem  Boden  eingetreten  ist,  und  die  jedenfalls  mit 
dem  Schwunde  des  gedeckten  s  in  Frankreich  in  gar  keinem 
Zusammenhang  stehtU  In  our  opinion  this  theory  is  absolutely 
to  be  rejected.  Instead  of  explaining  the  transition  in  question 
as  due  to  A.N.  sound-change,  Pabst  invents  an  English  sound- 
law  which  has  never  existed.  As  far  as  we  know,  dissimilatory 
loss  of  s  has  not  been  evidenced  either  in  Standard  English  or 
in  the  dialects.  Cf.  also  POGATSCHEK,  Englische  Studien,  27, 
p.  275.  On  the  other  hand  there  is  nothing  astonishing  in  the 
circumstance  that  places  like  Gloucester  and  Leicester,  which  were 
daily  spoken  of  by  many  thousands  of  people,  and  which,  more- 
over, not  uufrequently  were  used  as  personal  names  (cf.  Joh. 
Leycetre  (1409),  Index,  Tli.  Gloucetre  (1404),  ib.),  should  be  more 
subject  to  renewed  French  influence  than  ordinary  words  the  in- 
troduction of  which  into  the  English  language  was  long  ago  a 
»fait  accompli »  1. 

Nearly  all  places  in  -cester  are  nowadays  pronounced  in 
two  syllables.  MAYHEW,  Academy,  1240,  p.  17,  has  advanced 
several  theories  to  account  for  this  state  of  things,  without  arriv- 
ing at  any  definite  results.  It  is,  however,  a  well-known  fact 
that  in  English  words  of  three  syllables  the  unstressed  vowel  of 
the  penultimate  was  syncopated  at  various  times  2.  Cf.  LUICK, 


auncetres,  E.GL,  p.  193  etc.,  see  Stratmann-Bradley  and  Matzner.  More  forms 
without  s  are  noted  in  N.E.D.,  from  which  the  following  passage  may  be  quoted : 
—  »In  English  ancessour  soon  became  obsolete:  ancestre  became  phonetically 
ancetre,  of  which  the  regular  form,  now  dialectal,  is  anceter  or  anster*. 

1  We   may  point  out  here  that  owing  to  later  French  influence  s  has 
been  lost    before  t  also  in  a  modern  English  surname,  Grossetete  =  >Great- 
head>,  which  in  the  H.R.  and  the  K.Q.  appears  as  Groceteste,  Grossetest.  See 
BARDSLEY,  Die.,  p.  340. 

2  Mayhew    raises    the    following    objection:    -  -    »It    may    be  that  the 
pronunciation    Lester    stands   for    an  earlier  *Leiceter  (we  have  already  seen 
that    such    forms  are  by  no  means  theoretical)  with  syncope  of  the  vowel  e 
in    the  unstressed  penultimate.     But  this  hypothesis  entails  the  difficulty  of 
the  retention  of  the  historic  spelling  -cester  in  spite  of  the  intervening  -ceter 
stage*.     It    is    indeed,    very    curious    that  Mayhew    is    so    astonished  at  the 
traditional    spelling    being  kept  in  a  language  like  his  own,  which  still  to  a 
very  great  extent  preserves  the  mediaeval  spellings.    Besides,  even  in  French 
s  was    kept  orthographically  before  t  as  late  as  the  18th  cent.,  when  it  had 
ceased  to  be  pronounced  more  than  400  years  ago. 


76  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

Anglia  .XX,  p.  353:  -  -  »Jedes  einfache  dreisilbige  wort  erleidet 
im  lauf  der  englischen  sprachentwicklung  synkope  des  mittels- 
vokals,  wofern  nicht  kunstliche  einfliisse  sie  hemmen,  und  wo- 
fern  die  lautliche  gestaltung  des  wortes  sie  zulasst.»  Consequently, 
Glouceter,  Leiceter  (etc.)  were  developed  to  »Gloster»,  »Lester» 
in  perfect  conformity  with  the  phonetic  laws  *)f  the  English 
language. 

The  new  pronunciation  is  indicated  by  the  spelling  in  one 
single  case,  viz.  Craster  <  Craucestre1,  F.A.,  the  little  Northum- 
brian fishing-place  with  the  seat  of  Craster  Tower.  Here  the 
etymological  connection  with  -cester  has  been  forgotten,  and  the 
name  of  the  place  appears  in  phonetic  spelling. 

In  all  other  instances  the  M.E.  spelling  has  been  kept  in 
spite  of  the  modern  pronunciation:  Worcester,  pron.  (wusta); 
Gloucester,  pron.  (glosta);  Leicester,  pron.  (lesta);  Towcester,  pron. 
(toista),  Rippmaun. 

For  the  following  places,  most  of  them  small  towns  or  vil- 
lages, there  exists,  by  the  side  of  the  phonetic  pronunciation, 
another  due  to  the  influence  of,  the  spelling:  Alcester,  pron. 
(oolsta),  Rippmaun,  (oo(l)sta),  Tanger,  phon.  pron.,  (selsesta),  Tanger, 
spell.-pron.;  Rocester,  pron.  » Roaster »,  Hope,  phon.  pron.  (rosesta), 
Tanger,  spell.-prou.;  Bicester,  pron.  (biste),  phon.  pron.,  (baisesta), 
spell.-pron.,  Tanger;  Cirencester,  pron.  (sista),  phon.  pron.,  (sairansesta), 
spell.-pron.,  Rippmann.  Tanger  and  Rippmann  besides  give  the 
pronunciations  (sizita),  (sisesta),  which  are  to  be  considered  as 
intermediate  stages  in  the  development  Cirencester  >  »Cister». 

We  have  not  been  able  to  obtain  any  information  about 
the  pronunciation  of  Mancetter,  Frocester,  and  Wroxeter.  To 
judge  from  the  previous  cases,  it.  is  highly  probable  that  there 
exists  a  local  pronunciation  (frosta),  (msensta),  (roksta)  by  the  side 
of  spelling-pron.  like  (frosesta),  (msenseta),  (rokseta). 

As  to  Exeter  the  only  pron.  given  by  our  authorities  is 
(ekseta).  It  is,  however,  by  no  means  probable  that  (ekseta) 
represents  the  original  local  pron.  Tanger  gives  (eksanz)  <  Anglo- 
Latin  Exonia,  as  the  pron.  used  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  place, 
and  in  maps  and  geographical  works  of  the  17th  aud  18th  cent. 
Exonia  is  by  far  the  more  usual  designation  of  the  place.  If 


1    Magna    Britannia  still  has  the  spelling  Craucestre. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  77 

the  pron.  (eksete)  was  mostly  used  of  the  place  not  in  the 
place  it  is  easier  to  understand  why  the  unsyncopated  form  has 
prevailed  l. 

The  names  in  -cester  occur  as  personal  names  in  many 
interesting,  partly  phonetic  spellings,  some  of  which  may  well 
be  worth  mentioning.  The  following  instances  are  all  of  them 
taken  from  Bardsley's  Dictionary  of  English  surnames.  We  give 
first  the  modern  forms,  then  a  few  early  spellings:  Wurster, 
Worcester,  Worcester  or  Worcettor  (1569),  Worster  (1619),  p.  828; 
Lester,  Leicester:  Leicester  or  Lester  (1604),  p.  478;  Rossiter, 
Eociter  (1581),  Eossiter  (1641),  p.  655. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  examine  whether  the  modern  spel- 
ling and  pron.  of  the  place-names  here  treated  exhibit  any  other 
A.N.  peculiarities  than  s  for  ch  and  loss  of  s  before  t. 

ou  in  the  first  syllable  of  Gloucester  is  generally  supposed 
to  be  an  A.N.  alteration  of  au.  Cf.  STOLZE,  p.  28,  and  WEST- 
PHAL,  p.  16,  who  even  compares  Glaw-  >  Glou-  with  audire  > 
ouir.  But  the  Normans  were  familiar  with  the  sound-combina- 
tion au  (<  al  -f-  cons.),  so  there  was  no  reason  for  a  substitution. 
Would  it  not  be  possible  to  consider  Glouuecestre,  D.B.  etc.,  as 
a  continuation  of  Britain  Cair  Gloui,  Nennius  (Mon.  Brit.)? 
Our  Latin  authorities  have  Clevum,  Itiner.  Anton.,  Glebon  Colonia, 
Oeogr.  Rav.;  see  FORBIGER.  Ill,  p.  289.  Whether  there  is  any 
relation  between  the  forms  Gloui  and  Clevum  (for  Glevum?),  we 
-cannot  decide.  This  question  may  perhaps  be  settled  by  Celtic 
philologists.  In  many  12th  cent,  records  au,  aw,  are  usual  spel- 
lings by  the  side  of  ou.  The  A.S.  Chr.  has  Gleaweceastre  and 
Glotveceastre,  Henry  of  Hunt,  (Mon.  Brit.)  has  Gloucestre,  Gloue- 
ceastria,  Florence  of  Wo.  (ib.),  Glavorna,  Glauweceastre,  Symeoii 
of  Du.  (ib.),  Glocestria,  Ethelwerd  (ib.),  Gleaucestre  etc.  As  late 


1  I  think  I  have  found  at  least  some  traces  of  the  phon.  pron.  Thus, 
an  English  orthoepist  of  the  18th  cent,  warns  against  the  dialectal  pron. 
Cassel  of  Exter  for  » Castle  of  Exeter*.  See  FOKSTEB,  Anglia  XXIV,  p.  116. 
-  Hexter,  a  not  uncommon  Devonian  surname,  is  derived  by  BAEDSLEY, 
Die.,  p.  379  from  Exter  <  Exeter  with  addition  of  an  inorganic  h.  The 
tendency  to  drop  h's  is,  indeed,  very  strong  in  Devon.  During  a  stay  there 
I  have  noticed  it  in  people  of  very  good  education,  whose  English  in  every 
•other  respect  was  quite  correct. 


78  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

as  in  Rob.  of  Gloucester's  chronicle  we  find  forms  like  Claucestre, 
Claucetre1.  Note  that  the  true  English  form  in  La3amon,  Gloi- 
ehestre,  see  §  1  p.  19,  appears  with  o  as  well  as  ch. 

To  account  for  the  development  of  Cirencester  to  Cice(s)ter, 
Birencester  to  Bice(s)ter,  Worcester  to  Woce(s)ter,  it  is  hardly 
necessary  to  assume  French  influence.  The  n  of  Cirencester 
and  Birencester  has  been  dropped  owing  to  *a  general  M.E. 
tendency.  Cf.  HORN,  Gramm.  §  224.  Instances  of  loss  of  r  be- 
fore s  are  noted  by  HORN,  Gramm.  §  235  Anm.  Cf.  also  EK- 
WALL,  Jones's  Phonography  §§  583,  586  2. 

Appendix.     Some   cases  of  analogical  transformation  on 
the  pattern  of  forms  in  -cester,  -Chester. 

1.  Uttoxeter  (St.).  Of  the  name  of  this  place  we  have 
noted  the  following  early  forms:  Wotocheshede,  D.B.;  Utukeshes- 
tra  (12  c.),  Fr.Ch.;  Uttoclceshedere,  Utukeshere  (12  c.),  see  DUIGNAN, 
St.  Pl.Ns.,  p.  157;  WittoJceshather,  T.N.;  Huttolces-,  UittoJcesather, 
Ch.R.  I;  Ottokeshather  (13  c.),  see  Duignan;  Utoxatre,  Uttoxhather, 
UttocJccester,  Utcheter  (14  c.),  Duignan;  Vttolceshather  (1348),  Index; 
Uttoxather  (1401),  ib.;  Vttexatur  (1536),  ib.;  Vttoxatur  alias  Vtset- 
tur  (1567),  ib.;  Utccster,  Utseter,  Uttecester  (16  c.),  Duignau; 
Vttoxather  (1608),  Index;  Utcester,  Camden. 

Uttoxeter  has  been  derived  from  an  O.E.  Uttocceaster  by 
several  authors  (Camden,  Taylor,  Barth.  etc.).  Whatever  the  se- 
cond element  of  this  word  may  be,  it  has  certainly  never  con- 
tained O.E.  ceaster.  The  supposed  O.E.  form  Uttocceaster  must 
have  been  invented  by  Camden.  As  is  correctly  pointed  out  by 
Duignan,  all  the  mediaeval  terminals  point  to  M.E.  hather  =  N.E. 

The  forms  in  Clau-  may,  however,  owe  their  existence  to  the  old 
myth  that  Gloucester  was  once  the  seat  of  the  emperor  Claudius,  who  is  said 
to  have  given  it  to  his  son  Gloi  or  Gloui.  See  MADDEN,  La3amon  III,  p.  339. 
In  the  Latin  history  of  Lanfranc  (see  A.S.  Chr.,  ed.  Earle-Plummer,  I, 
p.  287)  Gloucester  is  called  Claudia  civitas. 

2  On  the  other  hand  loss  of  r  before  8  in  the  following  early  instances 
from  D.B.  etc.  is,  in  all  probability,  due  to  French  influence:  Holehest,  Linhest, 
Eisseburne,  Esselorne,  Messe,  D.B.  =  Holdenhurst  (,Ha,),  Lindhurst  (Ha.),  Hurst- 
bourne  (Ha.),  Marsh  (Sh.);  Luvehest,  Fr.Ch.  =  Ewhurst  (Es.);  Brockehest:  Nove 
Forest,  Gaimar,  v.  5799  =  Brockenhurst  (Ha.);  Dosete,  Benoit,  v.  14,  v.  22  = 
Dorset.  The  question  of  loss  of  r  before  s  has  recently  been  made  subject 
of  further  investigations  by  POGATSCHER,  Engl.  Stud.  31,  p.  261  ff. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  79 

heather,  which  in  place-names  may  have  had  the  meaning  of 
heath..  As  to  the  mutual  relation  of  the  words  heath  and  heather 
see  EKWALL,  Archiv  121,  p.  135  if.  Forms  like  Uttockeshederc,  Ut- 
toxather  had,  undoubtedly  —  in  spelling  and  pronunciation  —  some 
resemblance  to  certain  place-names  in  -caster,  e.g.  Exeter  and  Wroxe- 
ter.  Hence  -cester  took  the  place  of  -hather  in  some  spellings  of  the 
14th  cent.  The  modern  pronunciation,  usually  (raksete),  Tanger, 
has  obviously  arisen  from  such  a  form  as  Uttockcester.  Hope 
gives  as  local  pronunciation  the  extremely  interesting  notations 
»Uttcheter»,  »Ucheter».  Cf.  the  14th  cent,  spelling  Utcheter.  We 
can  suggest  no  other  explanation  of  this  extraordinary  form  than 
that  it  is  due  to  a  blending  of  A.N.  -ceter  and  English  -Chester. 
If  this  conjecture  is  right  the  form  Winchetre  in  Robert  of  Gl. 
is  probably  no  scribal  error,  but  has  originated  in  the  same  way 
as  Utcheter. 

2.  Grantchester  (Cb.).  The  early  spellings  are  as  follows: 
Granteseta,  Grantesefe,  D.B.;  Grenteseta,  I.C.C.;  Grenteshet  (1210), 
R.B.;  Grancete,  Granteset,  T.N.;  Grantecef,  H.R.;  Grantecete  (1284), 
F.A.;  Gransete  (1302),  ib.;  Grantesete,  Grancete  (14  c.),  Cat.  A.D.; 
Grauntcestr'  (1327—30),  P.R.;  Grantecestre  (14  c.),  Ramsey  Ch.;. 
Graunceter,  Grancesfer  (15  c.),  Cat.  A.D.;  Graunsete  (1428),  F.A.; 
Gratvnceter,  Graundeceter,  Graundecestre  (16  c.),  Cat.  A.D.;  Graun- 
cestor  (1549),  Grauncester  (1592),  Index. 

Grantchester  is  identified  with  an  O.E.  Grantaccestir  by 
MILLER,  Quellen  und  Forschungen  78,  pp.  60,  61,  and  TAYLOR, 
Names  etc.,  p.  137.  Even  in  such  an  important  and  quite 
recent  work  as  R.  L.  POOLE,  Historical  atlas  of  modern  Europe 
(1896—1900)  we  find,  in  the  part  called  England  and  Wales  be- 
fore 1066  (by  W.  H.  Stevenson),  the  same,  certainly  erroneous,, 
etymology. 

The  first  time  we  meet  the  form  Grantaccestir  in  the  O.E. 
literature  is  in  the  Latin  Bede,  Lib.  VI,  Chapter  XIX,  where  it 
is  related  that  Queen  JEthelthryth's  body  was  removed  to  Granta- 
ccestir to  be  buried:  »ascensa  navi  venerunt  ad  civitatem 
quandam  desolatam  non  procul  inde  sitam,  que  lingua  Anglorum 
Grantaccestir  vocatur*.  In  our  opinion  the  place  Bede  alludes  to 
is  Cambridge  not  Grantchester.  On  Bede's  authority  the  name 
occurs  again  in  some  Anglo-Saxon  charters:  into  Grantanlricge- 


80  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

(original  of  970),  Birch  1267;  in  provincia  Grantaceaster  (Latin 
version  of  the  same),  Birch  1266;  in  comitatu  Grantecestrice, 
Kemble  907;  comitatus  Grantebrigice,  Birch  872.  It  is,  however, 
obvious  that  the  locality  here  referred  to  is  Cambridgeshire,  not 
the  town  of  Cambridge.  Gaimar,  when  defining  the  extent  of 
the  Kingdom  of  the  Southumbrians,  mentions  Grantaceaster  in 
the  following  way: 

Neis  la  meite  de  Grantcestre 

i  jut  jadis  et  devereit  estre;  v.   1605  f. 

We  need  not  hesitate  to  identify  Grantcestre  with  Cam- 
bridgeshire also  here.  The  very  wording  of  the  passage  from 
Bede  quoted  above  indicates  that  the  author  was  not  very  well 
acquainted  with  the  locality  in  question.  He  may  have  known 
the  river  Granta,  and  then  added  the  usual  -ceaster,  applied  by 
the  Saxons  to  almost  any  place  where  the  Romans  had  settled. 
Of.  Lundenceaster  (see  POOLE,  Historical  Atlas)  for  modern  Lon- 
don etc. 

The  usual  form  for  Cambridge,  and  the  only  one  in  the 
A.S.  Chr.,  is  Grantaribrycg  l.  After  Bede's  time  Grantaceaster  is 
used  by  the  side  of  Grantanbricge,  but  only  as  a  designation  of 
Oambridgeshire. 

In  his  Place-Names  of  Cb.,  p.  39,  Prof.  SKEAT  also  iden- 
tifies Bede's  Grantaccestir  with  Grantchester,  but  at  the  same 
time  draws  attention  to  a  passage  in  LYSON'S  History  of  Cam- 
bridgeshire, where  is  noted  that  Walter  de  Merton  gave  to  Mer- 
ton  College,  Oxford,  a  certain  manerium  de  Grauntesethe.  »It  has 
often»,  he  continues,  »been  supposed  that  this  form  is  only  another 
spelling  of  Grantchester.  Such  seems  to  be  the  fact,  though 
there  may  have  been  some  confusion  with  A.S.  scete.»  We  be- 
lieve the  learned  author  would  have  come  closer  to  the  truth 
had  he  inverted  his  statement,  and  said  that  Grantchester  is 
only  another  spelling  for  Grauntesethe.  All  the  early  forms 
unambiguously  point  to  an  O.E.  *  Grantanscete.  From  a  histori- 
cal point  of  view  it  is  also  highly  improbable  that  the  manerium 
de  Grauntesethe,  the  little  village  of  Grantchester  with  a  popula- 
tion of  a  few  hundred  inhabitants,  should  be  identical  with  a 


1  However,  in  some  entries  from  the  I.C.C.  the  terminal -burg  appears 
by  the  side  of  -brigge:  Grenteburga,  Granteburga,  Grantebrigge. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  81 

place  of  considerable  importance  already  at  Bede's  time  when, 
moreover,  there  is  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  the  old  Roman 
Camboricum  (=  Cambridge,  FORBIGER  III,  p.  292) 1. 

The  modern  form  of  Grantchester  has  certainly  originated 
in  the  same  way  as  Uttoxeter,  i.e.  by  false  association  with 
•cester,  -Chester.  Gransete  >  Grance(s)ter,  whereupon  an  English 
form  Grantchester  came  to  be  used  by  the  side  of  the  French 
one.  The  difference  between  Uttoxeter  and  Grantchester  is  that 
in  the  former  case  the  French  form  has  prevailed  -  -  at  least  in 
the  spelling  -  -  in  the  latter,  the  English. 

3.  Penshurst  (Ke.),  Pensherst  (1072),  Index;  Penecestre  (c.  1270), 
Ke.  P.F.;    Penecestre    (1271),    I.P.M.;    Penesherst,  H.R.    Penecestre 
(1316,  46),  F.A.;    Penshurst    (1343—46,  77—81),   P.R.;  Penseherst 
(1467—77),  P.R.;  Penshurst  (1512),  Cat.A.D. 

The  second  element  of  this  place-name  is  obviously  O.E. 
hyrst  with  Kentish  e.  The  confusion  between  (Pen)sherst  and 
-cester  may  be  accounted  for  in  different  ways:  Penserst  may 
have  been  changed  into  *Pensert  (cf.  D.B.  forms  like  Salhert  (Ss.), 
Witenhert  (Gl.),  as  well  as  Chilbehert,  Fr.Ch.,  =  Chippenhurst  (Ox.)), 
which  subsequently  became  *Pensetr  by  the  metathesis  of  r. 
There  is  another  possibility,  viz.  that  s  was  originajly  kept,  and 
r  shifted :  Penserst  >  *Pensestr  (cf .  Bolehestre,  D.B.  =  Bolnhurst 
(Bd.)).  In  this  case  the  analogous  forms  were  soon  ousted  by 
the  etymological  ones. 

4.  Bilchester    or    Bilchurst    in  Hawking  (Ke.)  is  one  more 
instance  of  confusion  between  s  -f  herst  and  cester,  -Chester.    The 
only  old  spelling  we  have  been  able  to  find  is  Bylcherst  (1346),  F.A. 

5.  Cruwys-Morchard  (Dv.),  Morceta,  Morceth,  Morchet,  D.B.; 
Morcestre,   H.R.;  Morcestre,  Morceth,  T.N.;  Morcestre  Crues  (1284, 
1316,  46),  F.A.;  Morchard  (1303),  ib.;  Cruwesnorchard  (1381—85), 
P.R.;  Morchestre  (1428),  F.A. 

As  to  the  etymology  of  this  place-name,  we  can  only  sug- 
gest that  it  is  due  to  the  O.E.  formula  cet  f&m  ortgearde  or 

1  After  writing  this,  we  have  found  the  following  interesting  passage 
in  Henry  of  Huntingdon  (Mon.  Brit.,  p.  692  a),  which  eminently  corroborates 
our  conclusions  as  to  the  identity  of  Cambridge  and  Grantanccestir :  —  »Kair- 
Grrant,  id  est,  Granteceastria  quce  modo  dicitur  Cantebrigia.* 

6 


&2  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

orce(a}rde.  If  our  conjecture  is  right  the  m  of  the  article  was  pre- 
fixed already  in  O.E.  time.  Macclesfield  (Ch.)  would  he  a  parallel 
instance,  supposing  RITTER,  Archiv  116,  is  right  in  deriving  it 
from  <Bt  pcem  JEcdesfelde.  *Morcerd  appears  in  D.B.,  with  sup- 
pression of  r  and  change  of  final  d  into  t,  as  Morcet,  Morchet. 
Morcet  or  *Morcert  is  turned  into  *Morcetr  \  Morcestre,  which  gives 
origin  to  an  analogous  English  form  Morchestre. 

From  the  above  instances  we  have  seen  that  the  termina- 
tions of  several  English  place-names  are  liable  to  be  trans- 
formed on  the  analogy  of  the  numerous  -cester,  -ctiester  forms. 
Such  a  transformation  may  take  place  if  the  termination,  in  itself 
or  owing  to  native  or  French  development,  shows  some  resem- 
blance to  -ce(s)ter,  more  seldom  -Chester.  In  its  turn  the  spelling 
-cester  gives  rise  to  its  English  correspondence  -Chester.  In  two 
cases  such  forms,  due  to  the  operation  of  analogy,  have  ultima- 
tely prevailed  over  the  etymological  ones,  viz.  Uttoxeter  for 
Uttoxhather  and  Grantchester  for  Grantsete. 


§  6.    Loss  of  the  interdental  spirant  -. 
A.    In  place-names  containing  O.E.  mu]>(a) 3. 

1 .  Cockermouth  (Cu.).  2.  Dartmouth  (Dv.)  <  O.E.  Dertamutia,  A.S. 
Chr.  3.  Axmouth  (Dv.)  <  O.E.  Axamupa,  A.S.  Chr.  4.  Plymmouth  (Dv.). 
5.  Portlemouth  (Dv.).  6.  Sidmouth  (Dv.).  7.  Teignmouth  (Dv.).  8.  Wey- 
mouth  (Do.).  9.  Yarmouth  (Ha.).  1 0.  Portsmouth  (Ha.).  1  1 .  Stourmouth 
(Ke.)  <  O.E.  Sturemupa,  A.S.  Chr.  1 2.  Monmouth  (Mo.).  1 3.  Jesmond 
(Nb.).  14.  Learmouth  (Nb.).  15.  Tynmouth  (Nb.)  <  O.E.  Tinanmuj,  A.S. 
Chr.  16.  Alnmouth  (Nb.).  17.  Yarmouth  (Nf.).  18.  Yarmouth  (Sf.). 

D.B.  Alsemuda,  -e3  (Is  is  possibly  meant  for  MS  =  x\  Porle- 
muta,  -e5,  Ermud9,  Gernemiva11,  Jernesmua1*,  Gernemutha1*.  Geld. 
Inq.  Alsemuda?,  Axrnuda*. 


1  Such  a  shifting  of  r  from  one  syllable  to  the  other  is  very  usual  in 
the  early  Anglo-Latin  records :  Ferdeston,  D.B.  =  Featherstone  (Sh.);  Congrethorp, 
Cronkethor,  D.B.  =  Crownthorpe  (Nf.)  etc. 

2  From  reasons  stated  below  forms  exhibiting  A.N.  (?)  (t),  (d)  for  M.E. 
final   QO   and   intervocalic  (d)  have  also  found  a  place  in  the  lists  belonging 
to  this  paragraph. 

8  In  consideration  of  the  great  bulk  of  the  material  we  have  brought 
similar  instances  together  under  the  same  heading,  which  arrangement  we 
hope  will  lead  to  a  more  comprehensive  view  of  the  whole. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names 


83 


12th  c. 
13th  c. 


Fr.Ch.  Portesmue,  -mues™,  Monemuta,  -mud,  -mue18,  Munemud1*. 
Index.  Gernemuta11  (1163). 

C.R.  Cocremuth1,  Kokermul  (04—  27),  Cokermue1  (88—  96),  Waymue* 
(ib.),  Waymo*  (79—88),  Portesmua,  -muha,  -mues10  (04—27),  Portes- 
mue10 (27—31),  Porthesmuth10  (72—79),  Portismuth10,  Portesmue10 
(79—88),  Portismuth10  (88—96).  Ch.R.  Cokermouth1  (1227),  Porte- 
muth*  (1280),  Teingnemuth1  (1253),  Weymuth*  (1258),  Weymue*  (1284), 
Portesmue,  -muda,  -rnuta10!,  Sturnmthe11  II,  Levermue1*!,  Tinemuda, 
-mue,  -muthr°,  Gernemuth,  -muesli.  F.A.  1284.  JL^emwe3,  Porle- 
mue,  -muwe6,  Sydemue6.  H.R.  Dtrthamuth*,  Dertemuth,  -mue*,  Axe- 
mues,  Portlemuive5,  Tengemue'1,  Waymue*,  Weymuth*,  Gesemuthe13, 
TynemutW0  ,  Gernemue*1,  Jernemuta11,  Gernemuta^.  Index.  Eretmia"3 
(1206),  Partenme™  (1231),  Portesmues10  (1200),  Jezemue™  (Hen.  III.), 
Gernemothe1*.  La3amon.  Dertemufie2,  v.  1786,  Gernemude1',  v. 
30542.  Nb.  Rolls.  Gesemue1*  (1279),  Alnemue™,  Allemue" 
(1256).  P.R.  Horemue9,  Eremue*  (25—32),  Gernemue,  -muth11 
(16—25),  Jernemwe11  (25—32).  R.B.  Cocremuce1,  Portesmue™, 
Sturre-,  Stormue11.  R.G-1.  ^arnemouthe11  ,  v.  3429,  ^ernemoupe^1  , 
v.  4670.  T.N.  Porlemue5,  Sidemue9,  Teigemue1,  Portesmue10,  Jose- 
mouth18,  Levermuwe1*,  Jernenmth,  -mula11,  Gernemive11,  Jernemuth, 


14th  c.  —  C.R.  Eremuth9  (07—13),  Yaremuth*  (41-43),  Jernemuth1'1  (43-46). 
P.A.  Axmue*  (1303),  Axemuth*  (1316),  Axemouth*  (1346),  Portle- 
tnue*  (1303),  Portelemouth*  (1346),  Sidemue*  (1303),  Tengemwe1 
(1303),  Teynghmue'1  (1346),  Ermuth9  (1316),  Sturmouthe11  (1346), 
Monmue™  (1316),  Levermuth™  (1346).  Index.  Jesemuth1*  (1334), 
Jernemuth,  -muta1*.  P.R.  Teignemouth1  (1399—01),  Yaremuth9 
(43-45),  Iremuth9  (45—48). 

15th  c.  —  Capgrave.  Dertemouthe*,  p.  239,  Plummouthe*,  p.  284,  Fortes- 
mouthe10,  p.  239,  Tynmouth15,  p.  240,  YermoW,  p.  208.  F.A. 
Cokermouth1  (1428),  Waymouth*  (1431),  Levermuth14'  (1428).  Index. 
Sydemouth"  (1420),  Eruemouthe*  (1488—89),  Jesmowetlie™  (1421), 
Jernomewth,  -moth11  (1420).  P.R.  Cokermouth1  (67—  77),  Waymouth* 
(61-67),  Portesmuth10  (ib.),  Portesmouthe10  (67—77),  Tyngmouth1* 
(ib.),  Jernemuth17  (01—05),  Jernemouth11  ,  Yermothe11  (61—67). 

16th  c.  —  Index.     Yearmouth*  (1593),  Portesmouthe10  (1578). 


B.     In  place-names  containing  O.E. 


1. 


present  forms  exhibit  th. 


1.  Southwick  (Ha.).  2.  Southampton  (Ha.)  <  O.E.  Sudhamhin,  A.S. 
Chr.  3.  Southington  in  Selborne  (Ha.).  4.  Southwell  (Nt,).  5.  Southwark 
(8r.).  6.  Southam  (Wa.)  <  O.E.  Sutiham  (1101),  Index. 


fc4  R.  E.  Zaehrissori 

D.B.     Sudwelle*,  Sudwerca,  -iverche*. 
12th  c.  —  Fr.Ch.     Suwice1.    Index.    Sudwelle*  (1130),    Sudwerk*,  Sutwerc*, 

Suicerch*,  Suiverk6. 
13th  c.  —  Ch.B.     Suwick1,    Suhanton*,    Suivell*,   Suham*,  Sutham*.    Index. 

Sudiverk*   (c.  1200),    Swotrk*   (Hen.    III.).     T.N.     Suwerc*.     Sel- 

borne  Oh.     Soynthone*   (1230),   Suthintune*  (c.  1250),  Sudington* 

(c.  1260),  Sudintone*  (c.  1260). 
14th  c.  —  Index.     Sutheivell4. 


2.     The  present  forms  exhibit  d. 

1 .  Siddington  (Gl.);  *  in  the  first  syllable  is  very  curious  and  diffi- 
cult to  account  for.  Cf.,  however,  KHUISINQA  §  235.  2.  Sodington  (Wo.) 
<  O.E.  Suthlune,  Suthinton  (a.  825,  957),  Birch  386,  1007. 

D.B.     Sudin-,  Suintone1. 

1  2th  o.  —  Fr.Ch.     Suthintuna1,  Suinthon1,  Swinton\  Suenton*. 
1 3  th  c.  —  T.N.     Sudin-,    Suthinton1,    Sutin-,    Suthinton9.     "Wo.  S.B.    (see 

DUIGNAN,  Wo.  PJ.Ns.,  p.  151).     Suthintone*,  Sodinton2  (1275). 
1  4th  c.  —  F.A.     Sotingtori*,  Sodyntori*. 


C.    In  place-names  containing  O.E.  wipfe,  wifig,  wiping. 

1.     The  present  forms  exhibit  th. 

1 .  Withycombe  (Dv.).  2.  Withington  (Gl.)  <  O.E.  Widian  dun  (a.  700), 
Earle.  3.  Withern  (Li.).  4.  Withington  (Sh.).  5.  Withyford  (Sh.).  6. 
Withyconib  (8m.).  7.  Withypool  (Sm.).  8.  Withyham  (Ss.).  9.  Withy- 
brook  (Wa.). 

D.B.     Widecoma1,    Widindune\    Widerne*,    Witntone*,   Wideford*, 

Widecombe*,  Inwidepolla1 . 

1  2th  c.  —  Index.     Wiernia*,   Wihemia*,   Widebroc9. 

13th  c.  --  Oh.B.      Wichenton*,    Witene*!.     F.A.     Widecombe1,    Wydinton* 
.  (1284),   Videcombe*.     H.R.     Wydecumb,  -counibe1,  Wythindon9,  Wy- 

thyford*.    Index.     Wydecome1  (1273),   Wierna*,   Wyern*,   Within- 

ton4  (1267),   Widebroc9  (1208). 
1 4th  o.  —  F.A.     Widecombe1,    Wydinton*   (1303),   Witherne*  (1316),   Wythin- 

ton*    (1316),    Wydecomb*   (1303,    46).     Index.     Wythcrne*   (1343), 

Withihamme*  (1314),   Wydyham*  (1326). 
1  5th  c.  -  F.A.      Widecombe1  (1428),   Wyerne*  (1428),  Wymccombe*,  Widepole1 

(1428).    P.B.     Wythyrn*  (61-67),  Wythern*  (67—77). 
1  7th  c.  —  Index.     Wythyham*  (1578). 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names 


85 


2.     The  present  form  exhibits  loss  of  th. 

Wyville  (Le.).    T.N.    Wiwell.    H.B.     Wywell  (pers.  name).    P.A.    Wywett 
(1316),   Wydewell  (1428),  (Rob.)  WyviWas  (1428), 


'  3.     The  present,  forms  exhibit  d. 

1 .  Widdicombe  (Dv.).  2.  Widecombe  (Dv.),  called  Wethicombe  on 
the  map '  of  Dv.  in  Camden,  and  in  a  book  called  Index  Villarum  (17th  c.). 
3.  Widford  (Ht.).  4.  Widdial  (Ht.).  5.  Widford  (Ox.)  <  O.E.  Widigford, 
Kemble  426,  177.  6.  Widecombe  (Sm.). 

D.B.     Widecombe1,   Widecombe*,  Wideford',  Widihale*,  Widiforde\ 
13th  c.  —  Ch.B.    Widecumba*.     H.B.     Vydyford*,   Wydeford6.     H.B.     Wide- 
ford3.     Tax.  Eccl.     Widiford*. 
14th  c.  —  F.A.   Widecumbe1,   Widecumb*. 
15th  c.  —  F.A.   Wydecomb*,   Wydiford*,  Widecombe6  (1428). 


D.     In  place-names  containing  O.E.  hyf,  hcep,  rip, 

1.     The  present  forms  exhibit  th. 

1.  Tingrith  (Bd.)  <  O.E.  rip.  2.  Shepreth  (Cb.).  SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns.  of 
Cb.,  p.  43,  thinks  the  second  element  contains  O.E.  tvrceth  =  ^enclosure*  etc.; 
the  many  early  forms  with  i  point,  however,  to  rip.  3.  Horsheath  (Ob.)  < 
O.E.  Keep.  4.  Meldreth  (Cb.).  SKEAT,  I.e.,  derives  also  the  second  element 
of  this  place  from  O.E.  wrcep,  here,  no  doubt,  with  greater  probability,  as 
all  the  early  forms  have  e.  5.  Aldreth  (Cb.)  <  O.E.  hyp.  Q.  Rawreth 
(Es.),  probably  <  O.E.  rip.  7.  Chawreth  (Es.),  also  here  the  terminal  may 
contain  O.E.  weep.  8.  Earith  (Hu.)  <  O.E.  Earhyp,  Earhyth,  Kemble,  Earhip 
(a.  988),  Facsimile  of  Charters.  9.  Oteringhithe  (Nf.)  <  O.E.  hyp.  1O.  Rack- 
heath  (Nf.)?  <  O.E.  hap.  11.  Lakenheath  (SI)  <  Lacyngahyp,  Thorpe.  12. 
Lambeth  (Sr.)  <  O.E.  Lambhyp,  A.S.  Chr.,  Lambehip,  Thorpe.  13.  Reeth 
(Yo.)  <  O.E.  rip. 

D.B.  Tingrei1,  Escepride*,  Esceprid*,  Horsei*,  Melrede*,  Otringe- 
heia?,  Rachdtha10,  Racheia™,  Lakingaheda,  -hethen,  Lanchei" 
(nc  =  m\  Riels. 

12th  c.  —  I.C.C.  Sepeia*,  Horseda*,  Melreda*.  Inq.El.  Sceperia*,  Sceperee,  -eie*, 
Melrede*,  Melrede*,  Meldrcthe*,  Lakincgeheda11,  Lacking ehetha11, 
lagingehyda11,  Lachingehydali,  Lachinchede11,  Lagingchee",  lachincg- 
heda11,  lachingehea11.  Index.  Melreda*  (1103),  Lachingeia11,  Lach- 
ingdhutha11.  Pi.B.  Alreheda,  -hedra,  -hudra*.  Sf.  P.F.  Lakinge- 
hee11  (1199). 


86  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

13th  c.  —  Annales  Mon.  Tingrize,  -rithe,  -ri,  -rie1.  C.R.  Chaurethe 
(88-96),  Erktz*  (79—88).  Ch.R.  Meldred',  Melre*  I,  Raureth*  II, 
Chaure1  (1246),  Racheth™  I,  Lakingheth11,  Lamhee™  I,  Lambithd1* 
II.  H.R.  Tyngri1,  Schepere*,  Scheppere2,  Horsefh*,  Raere6,  Chaure1, 
Schaure1,  Erhcth*,  Erhee*,  Rakhey10,  Rakkeye10,  LakingheW1.  Index. 
Chaure1,  Otrigeide*  (1203),  Lamhethe™.  R.B.  Lambhyeth**,  Lamhe1*. 
R.G1.  Lamhupe1*,  Lambhepe™.  Ramsey  Ch.  Alderhithe,-hethe6, 
Alreheda\  Herhelhe*,  Herhythe,  -ithe*,  Eritlte*,  Erethe*,  Erhe*. 
Sf.  P.F.  Lakingheye11  (1219).  T.N.  Tingre1,  Sepree*,  Rareg'6. 
Yo.  K.Q.  Rithe1*  (1284). 

14th  c.  —  F.A.  Tingrie1  (1302),  Scheperethe*  (1302),  Melreth*,  Raureth,  -ryth« 
(1303),  Chaureth1  (1303,  46),  Oteringhithe*,  Racheyth10  (\3lfy.  Index. 
Horseth*  (1305),  Raurethe"  (1370),  Lakynghethe11  (1390),  Southlam- 
hethe".  P.R.  Lakynghithe11  (45—48).  Sf.  P.F.  Lakynghethe11 
(1313),  Lakynghythe11  (1330).  Yo.  N.V.  J&WS  (1316). 

15th  c.  —  Capgrave.  Lambhithe1*,  p.  313.  F.A.  2>?#re  (1428),  Chaureth1 
(1428).  Index.  Rakhith10  (1451),  Lambehith1*.  P.R.  Shepereth* 
(61—67),  Malrede*,  Melreth4  (61—67),  Chawreif  (67—77), 
7ic^11  (67—77). 

16th  c.  —  Index.     Horseth*,  Rawriih*  (1541). 


2.     T/ie  present  forms  exhibit  loss  oj  th. 

1.  Childrey  (Be.)  <  O.E.  Cilia-,  CyllanriJ),  Kemble  746,  1133  etc.  2. 
Cricksea  or  Creeksea  (Es.)  <  O.E.  liijp.  3.  Sawtry  (Hu.)  <  O.E.  wrcep;  cf. 
SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns.  of  Ht.,  p.  62.  4.  Cbelsey  (Mi.).  In  Speculum  Britannia 
)c.  1600)  we  find  the  following  note  on  the  place:  —  »Chelsey  also  called 
Cheselsey  for  the  sake  of  the  pebbles >.  The  etymology  is,  however,  O.E. 
Ctelic  hyp,  Earle.  As  to  present  s  for  older  ch=(tf),  cf.  Appendix  C.  5. 
Stepney  (Mi.)  <  O.E.  hyp.  6.  Setchey  (Nf.),  probably  <  O.E.  hyj).  7.  Boul- 
ney  (Ox.),  probably  <  O.E.  hyp.  8.  Shottery  (Wa.)  <  O.E.  Scottarip,  Earle 

D.B.     Criccheseia\  Saltrede*,   Chelched*,  Stibenhede*. 
12th  c.  —  Fr.Ch.     Stebeheie*.    Index.     Saltereia8,    Saltreia*,  Sauteria*,  Ste- 

benheth*. 
13th  c.  —  Ch.R.     Sechie*   II.     F.A.     Chelchehuth*  (1284).     H.R.     Sechize*, 

Bulhud1.    Index.     Sechithe*  (Hen.  III.).   Ramsey  Ch.    Saltreche 

(ch  =  th\     reye,    -reio,    -rethe,  -rea8,  Sautre3,  Sautreia*,  Sautereie*. 

T.N.     Sethiche*  (error  for  Sechithe],  Bulchude1. 
14th  c.  -  Cat.    A.D.     Scotrith*,    Schotrythe*,    Shotriche*    (ch  =  th\    Schot- 

rith*   (all    of  them  from  the  year  1318).    F.A.     Chelrey1  (1316), 

Sautre*  (1316),  Stebcnhuth*  (1316),  Sechhithe*  (1316),  Buletchurche1 

(1316).    P.R.     Chelcheheth*  (1348).1 
15th  c.  —  F.A.     Chelrey1  (1428),  Crikesheth*  (1428),  Chelcheth*  (1428),  Steben- 

hith6  (1428),  Bulnehith1  (1428).    Index.     Chclchithe*  (1465).    P.R. 

Kyrk  Hithe*,  Crykeshithe*  (67—77),  Setcheif,  Segthe*  (61—67). 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  87 

1  6th  c.  —  Index.     Chellsayt*  (c.  1550),  Seche*  (1564).    Mi.  PF.   Stebenhithe* 
(47—53),  Stebunheth*  (1568),  Strpneif  (1575),  Stepney*  (1587). 

3.  The  present  form  exhibits  t. 

Orsett  (Es.)  <  O.E.  *Horshce]>.  D.B.  Orseda.  H.B.  Horsete.  Cat.  A.D. 
Orsete  (c.  1242).  C.B.  Horseth  (1343—46),  Orseta  (1318—23,  46—49).  F.A. 
Horseth,  Horsete  (1303,  1428). 

4.  TAe  present  forms  exhibit  d. 

1 .  Maidenhead  (Be.)  <  O.E.  liyp.  2.  Hendred  (Be.)  <  O.E.  Henne- 
Hennanrip,  Birch  165,  391  etc.  3.  Cottered  (Ht.),  perhaps  <  O.E.  iorcv]);  cf. 
SKEAT,  Ht.  Pl.-Ns.,  p.  61,  p.  64.  4.  Oxnead  (Nf.)?  <  O.E.  Keep.  5.  Leather- 
head  (Sr.)  <  O.E.  Lcodrithan,  see  TAYLOR,  Names,,  p.  170. 

D.B.     HenreP,  Chodrei5,  Oxenedes*,  Leret*. 

1  2th  c.  —  Fr.Ch.     HeinreiP,  Henreth*.     Index.     Henreda*  (1157). 
14th  c.  —  Ch.B.    Heanred*  (1227),  Hanred*  (1274).    H.B.    Henreth*.    Index. 

Hendred2    (1225),    Ledered*,    Leddred6,    Ledrede5.     B.B.     Henred*, 

Coddre*,    Codreye*,    Ledrede*,    Ladrede*.     T.N.     Hen-,    Hanreth*, 

Hanred*,  Leddred'a. 
14th  c.  —  C.B.     Oxeneddes*  (07—13).    F.A.    Hanreth*  (1316),  Codrede3  (1303), 

Oxneth*  (1316),  Oxenedis*  (1302).     Index.    Oxnegges*  (1312).   P.B. 

Oxtned4  (77—81),  Oxe?iedfe4  (81-85). 
1  5th  c.  —  Cat.  A.D.     Codreth*  (1428).    F.A.    MaydenJtythe1  (1428),  Hanreth* 

(1401),  Codrethe*  (1402),  Codreth9  (1428),  Oxenede*  (1401,  28).  I.P.M. 

Henrede*    (Hen.  VII.).     P.B.     Madenhithe1    (01—05),  Maydenhede1 

(67—77),  Esthenrith*  (61—67),  Henrede*  (67—77),  Occn^4  (61-67), 

Oxeney*  (67—77). 


E.    In  place-names  containing  O.E.  ^Z,  ^(e)r. 

1.     The  present  forms  exhibit  th,  d. 

1.  Wetherley  (Cb.)  <  O.E.  w$<r;  cf.  SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns  of  Cb.,  p.  66.  2. 
Hatherton  (Ch.)?<  O.E.  Hathor,  Searle.  3.  Netherexe  (Dv.)  <  O.E.  niperra, 
neopera,  Mdf.  p.  98.  4.  Headley  (Ha.)  <  O.E.  A^jB.  5.  Southry  (Li.)  < 
O.E.  SM£.  6.  Blatherwick  (Np.).  7.  Netherfield  (Ss.)  <  O.E.  niferra  etc. 
8.  Featherstone  (Yo.).  Cf.  Featherstone  (St.)  <C  Feotherestan,  DUIGNAN,  St. 
Pl.Ns.,  p.  60.  9.  Rotherfield  (Yo.). 

D.B.    Wederlai1,  Haretone2,  Niressa,  -es,  Hallege*,  Sutreie6,  Sudtrie5, 
Blareiviche*,  Nedrefelle1,  Nirefeld1,  Ferestane*. 

12th  c.  —  I.C.C.      Werleia1,  Werleie1.    LEI.    Wederlai1.    Index.    Blarewihc* 
(1199).     Np.S.     Blatherwyk*. 


88  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

13th  o.  —  O.B.  Suthreya*  (88—96).  Ch.B.  Fetherstane8  II,  Sudereie'0  I. 
H.B.  Suytray*,  Neddrefeld'\  Index.  Sutherayeb,  Surrey  a*,  Suth- 
reya*  (Hen.  III.),  Blathinvyk*  (1248).  Yo.  S.B.  Rorefeld9  (1297). 

14th  c.  —  F.A.     Nyther-,  Nitherexe*.  Index.  Suthereya^  Blatherwyke*  (1307). 

15th  c.  —  F.A.     Sotheray*  (1401). 


2.     Tfte  present  forms  exhibit  loss  #f  th. 

1.     Harrington  (Np.).     2.     Werrington  (Np.)<  O.E.   Witiringtun,  A.S. 
Chr.     3.     Surrey  <  O.E.     Suprige,  A.S.  Chr. 


D.B.     ^.riwfone1,   fF&iertfltofM1,  Sudries. 
12th  c.  —  Np.S.     Hetherington1. 
13th  c.  —  O.B.     Hetherinton1  (27—31).     Ch.B.     Hetherinton1  I.    F.A.    #e- 

therington\   Witherington*  (1284).     Index  to  Sloane  MSS.   (ed. 

J.  L.  SCOTT,  1904).     Hetheringtone1  (1276).     B.B.    Surreia*.   T.N. 

Hetherintone1,  Surr'3. 
14th  c.  —  F.A.     Hetherington1   (1316).     Index.     Hetryngton1    (1342).     P.B. 

Haryngton1  (77—81). 

15th  c.  —  Capgrave.    Surry*,  p.  160,  Sotheray*,  p.  271. 
16th  c.  —  Index.     Hetherington1  (1541). 


F.    In  other  place-names  containing  O.E.  th,  p. 

1.     The  present  forms  exhibit  th. 

1.  Witham  (Es.).  The  name  of  this  place  does  not  contain  original  p. 
The  forms  Witanham,  Witham,  A.S.  Chr.,  point  to  O.E.  wita -\-ham-,  cf. 
Mdf.,  p.  152.  No  doubt  th  in  such  a  form  as  Witham  has  been  taken  by 
copyists  or  scribes  not  so  well  acquainted  with  the  locality  to  represent  the 
sound  (d).  Hence  the  spellings  with  d,  or  loss  of  th.  Such  confusions  be- 
tween t-\-h  and  p  are  to  be  found  also  in  A.S.  charters.  Cf.  Taticre  = 
Tathere,  see  Mdf.,  p.  133,  and  Waltiam,  Kemble  988  =  Waltham,  ib.  844.  2. 
Rothley  (Le.).  3.  Knaith  (Li.).  4.  Rothwell  (Li.).  5.  Witham,  N.  and  8., 
also  the  name  of  a  river  (Li.);  as  to  the  etymology,  cf.  Witham  (Es.)  above. 
According  to  Hope,  the  local  pron.  is  »Wittn»,  which  presupposes  original  t. 
6.  Seething  (Nf.).  7.  Rothwell  (Np.).  8.  Rothley  (Np.).  9.  Blyth  (Nt.). 
1O.  Bath  (Sm.)  <  O.E.  Badum,  Batie,  A.S.  Chr.  1  1.  Routh  (Yo.). 

D.B.  Witham\  Rodolei*,  Cheneide*,  Rodouuelle*,  Rodewelle4,  'Wirne*, 
Widme*,  Witham*,  Sifhinga*,  Sithinges*,  Rodewelle1,  Rute11.  Geld. 
Inq.  RotheweW. 

12th  c.  —  Fr.Oh.  Blia»,  Blyag  (c.  1175).  Index.  Roelay*,  Rothewelle*  (1156), 
Rodewelle1  (1150-55),  Widme*  (c.  1170),  Wieme*  (Hen.  II.),  Wiema* 
(1183—84),  Normme*,  Nortwidhem*>  Nordwidma*,  Widheme*.  Le.S. 
Rodeleia*.  Li.S.  Rodewella*.  Np.S.  Rowell1. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  89 

13th  c.  -  C.B.  Wyham1,  Wytham1  (72-79),  Roelay*,  Roleg*  (04—27),  Wit- 
ham5  (88-96),  Senges*  (ib.),  Sithinge*  (79—88),  RoirelF  (72—79, 
88—96).  Ch.B.  Witham1,  Wyham1  I,  Eole\  Roeleg*,  RoeP  I, 
Rothelee*  (1284),  Cneye*,  Kneye*  I,  Senges6  (1267),  Sitting9  (1285), 
Rolce*,  Rotheley*  II.  Gl.  Bees.  (Geoffrey  de)  Baw  (1230).  H.B. 
Wyham1,  Wytham1,  Rothele\  Rotheleye2,  Kney3,  RoutheweW,  Wit- 
ham5,  Wime*,  Wytme*,  Seynges",  Rowell\  Index.  Rothleya2,  Roleya* 
Rothele*,  Wydma\  Witme*,  Wyme\  Senges6.  Le.  Bees.  Roleya* 
(1251).  B.B.  Rolega*,  RouweW.  T.N.  Rottel\  Role\  Rolle\  Rou-> 
RoweW,  Rowell\  Rotheley*.  Yo.  K.Q.  Rue11  (1284). 

14th  c.  —  P.A:  Wyham1  (1303),  Kneth*  (1316),  Rothewell*,  Nortwyme*,  Wy- 
ham*, Wythme\  Senges"  (1302),  Seng6  (1316),  Sithyngg6  (1346), 
RothewelF  (1316,  46),  Rotheley*  (1346),  Slid9,  Blida9.  Index. 
Wyma5  (1343),  Sithyng6,  Sythinge,  Rothewelle1  (1335).  P.B.  Rothe- 
wcW  (1399—01). 

15th  c.  —  P.A.     Wytham1  (1428),  Kneth*  (1428),  RotheweW  (1428),  Sythinge6 
(1428),    Rothewell7  (1428).     Index.     Sethyng6  (1450).     P.B. 
T^am1  (61-67,  67— 77),  Rotheleif  (61— 67),  Rothewell*  (ib.), 
(ib.),  Sethyng*  (67—77),  Rothewell\  (61-67,  67—77). 


2.     T/ie  present  forms  exhibit  loss  of  th. 

1.     Wingrave  (Bu.).     2.     Wing  (Bu.).     The    early    forms    in    D.B.  and 
the    Index   point  to  original  th.     The  etymology  may  be  an  O.E.  wljmng  for 
cf.  Mdf.,  p.  152. 


D.B.      Withungrave1,    Witehunge2. 
12th  c.  —  Index.      Wiungua2  (Hen.  II.). 
13th  c.  —  C.B.     Wing2  (88— 96).  H.B.   Wengraue\  Weng2.    Index.   Wenghe* 

(1208).     T.N.      Wengraue\   Weng\ 
14th  c.  —  F.A.     W engrave1,   Weyngrave1,   Wenge*,   Weynge*. 

3.     The  present  forms  exhibit  d. 

1.  Roothing  or  Roding  (Es.),  possibly  <  O.E.  *Hrofingas  <  Hroth, 
Searle.  2.  Edington  (Wl.).  According  to  Stevenson,  the  place  is  identical 
with  EJmndun,  A.S.  Chr.  and  Crawford  Ch.  Epandun  has  also  been  identi- 
fied with  Edington  (Sm.).  This  identification  must  be  wrong,  for  the  place 
in  question  appears  in  D.B.  as  Edivinetona.  In  our  opinion  it  is  not  altogether 
excluded  that  also  Edington  (Wl.)  is  due  to  an  O.E.  Eadivinetun.  If  so,  it 
does  not  belong  here. 

D.B.     Rodinges1,  Roinges1,  Edendone*. 
1  2th  c.  —  Index.     Roing1. 
1 3th  c.  —  H.B.     nothing1,    Roing1,    Edindone*.     B.B.     Roinges*,   Roynges1, 

Roynge1.     T.N.    Roing'1,  Edinton*. 


90  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

1 4th  c.  —  F.A.     Rotkyng1  (1303  etc.).    Index.    Rotting1  (1389).    P.R.  Edyn- 

rZon2  (1399-01). 
1  5th  c.  —  F.A.     Rothyng1  (1428).     Index.    Edyngdon*  (1432).     P.B.    Edyn- 

don*  (61-67). 

In  early  O.Fr.  d  <  Lat.  t,  d  is  lost,  finally  after  a  vowel, 
medially  between  two  vowels  and  before  liquids.  It  has  been 
proved  beyond  all  doubt  that,  before  d-was  lost,  itVas  changed  into 
(3),  (J)),  which  sounds  were  probably  distributed  so,  that  (ct)  occur- 
red between  two  vowels  and  before  the  liquids,  whereas  there  was 
in  the  spoken  language  an  interchange  between  final  (d)  and  ({>). 
Cf.  MEYER-LUBKE,  Gramm.  §  436;  NYROP,  Gramrn.  §§  386,387; 
MENGER,  p.  94  ff.;  GASTON  PARIS,  Extraits  de  la  Chans,  de  Ro- 
land (Paris  1899),  p.  15  f.  The  existence  of  such  an  interme- 
diate sound  is  best  proved  by  the  fact  that  in  O.E.  and  M.E. 
loan-words  Lat.  and  O.Fr.  d,  respectively,  appear  as  J5,  ct.  For 
instances  see  POGATSCHER,  Lehnworte,  p.  174,  BEHRENS,  p.  175 
f.,  and  especially  KLUGE,  Zeitschrift  fur  Rom.  Phil.  XX,  p.  322 
ff.,  where  the  whole  matter  is  discussed  at  length,  and  also 
numerous  references  given  1.  Cf.  also  REICHMANN,  Eigennamen 
im  Orrmulum,  p.  28  f.,  who  considers  p  in  several  Biblical  names 
from  this  text  as  a  criterion  of  French  influence.  The  spirant 
is  still  preserved  in  Mod.  E.  faith  <  M.E.  feif,  feicf,  Jei£h(e)  < 
O.Fr.  feid,  feit  <  Lat.  jidem  (see  N.E.D.),  asseth  <  M.E.  aseeth, 
assethe  <  O.Fr.  as(s)et  <  Lat.  ad  satis  (see  N.E.D.),  as  probably 
also  in  Scotch  dainteth  -ith  <  M.E.  deinteth(e\  -ith(e)  <  O.Fr. 
dain-,  deintiet  <  Lat.  dignitatem,  bounteth  -ith  <  O.Fr.  bontet  < 
Lat.  bonitatatem,  poortith  <  0  Fr.  povretet  <  Lat.  paupertatem. 

In  O.E.  the  interdental  spirant  was  voiced  between  two 
vowels,  finally  after  a  vowel  it  was  voiceless.  Cf.  KLUGE,  Paul's 
Gr.,  p.  1006f. 

As  for  the  various  ways  in  which  the  sounds  of  ([))  and 
(ct)  are  rendered  in  early  E.  and  A.N.  MSS.,  cf.  Appendix  A. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  12th  cent,  the  Normans  had,  to 
judge  from  the  orthography  of  the  earliest  A.N.  MSS.,  two 
ways  of  pronouncing  such  words  as  vide  <  Lat.  vita.  Sometimes 

2  To  the  instances  of  A.N.  (|>),  (d)  having  been  kept  in  La3amon  which 
are  adduced  by  LUHMANN,  pp.  191,  193,  we  may  add  one  more,  viz.  Ucert 
Escud,  A,  v.  2769,  corresponding  to  Vertescu,  B  —  Mod.  Fr.  £cu  <  Lat. 
scutum. 


Anglo  Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  91 

d  was  kept  in  the  pronunciation,  sometimes  not.  Of.  KLUGE, 
Zeitschrift,  p.  322,  and  NYROP,  Gramrn.  §  386,  who  draws  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  in  Mod.  Spanish  there  is  a  similar  vacilla- 
tion with  reference  to  the  pron.  of  the  interdental  spirant  in  an 
intervocalic  position.  The  spirant  seems  to  have  been  lost  earlier 
when  medial  than  when  final.  Already  in  Computus  there  are 
rhymes  like  signifie:  vie  (cf.  MEYER-LUBKE,  I.e.),  and  soon  after 
the  middle  of  the  12th  c.  d,  t  disappear  in  all  positions. 

In  the  French  word-material  of  D.B.  intervocalic  d  =  (ct)  is 
often  lost  medially,  while  in  a  final  position  it  is  always  kept. 
Instances  like  Todeny,  Toeny  =  Tosny  (Eure),  Buenvaslet,  -vasleth 
etc.  are  adduced  by  HILDEBRAND,  p.  360  f. 

Also  in  the  English  place-names  loss  of  intervocalic  (d)  is 
usual,  not  only  in  D,B.  but  also  in  records  of  a  more  recent 
date:  -mude,  -mue,  (see  list  A);  Suthinton,  Suintone  (see  list  B  2); 
Widerne,  Wiernia  (C  1);  -hyda,  -heda,  -hetha,  -hea,  -hee,  -Tithe, 
-rie,  -rede,  -reihe,  -rede,  -ree  (D  1);  Blida,  Blia,  Rode-,  Roihe-, 
Boe-,  Elite,  Bue,  Sethyng,  Seynges,  Wytham,  Wyham  (F  1);  Rodinges 
Boinges,  (F  3). 

Loss  of  the  interdental  spirant  before  liquids  appears  in 
such  instances  as  Hallege,  Haretom,  Arintone  etc.  (list  E  1,  2). 
Here  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  combination  per  is  often  tur- 
ned into  pre,  whereupon  pre  >  re. 

Finally  we  find  in  D.B.  an  interchange  of  t,  d  just  as  in 
the  purely  French  words:  -rid,  (D  1),  -hed  (D  2),  -ret  (D  4).  Loss 
of  the  spirant  we  have  not  noted  as  early  as  in  D.B.  save  in 
one  single  case,  viz.  TocJcvi  =  Tockwith  (Yo.).  This  is  probably 
a  mere  error  in  view  of  the  many  other  cases  in  which  the  den- 
tal was  kept.  In  later  records  loss  is  usual  also  in  final  posi- 
tion: Waymo,  C.R.,  Cokermu,  C.R.,  (A);  Lamhe,  R.B.  (D  1); 
Chaure,  Mdre,  Ch.R.  (Dl);  Ba,  Gloucester  Records  (F  1)  etc,  Cf. 
also  rhymes,  like  Jesu:  ju:  Adeldru,  Gaimar,  v.  1341,  v.  1407, 
Edelfrid:  saisi,  ib.,  v.  1147. 

When  owing  to  A.N.  sound-development  intervocalic  (d)  is 
dropped,  two  vowels  meet,  a  phenomenon  which  is  generally 
known  under  the  name  of  hiatus.  During  all  periods  the 
French  language  has  never  been  very  partial  to  such  a  com- 
bination, and  several  devices  have  been  used  to  get  rid  of  it: 


92  &•  E.  Zachrisson 

(1).  Sometimes  the  second  vowel  is  entirely  lost.  This 
seems  to  have  been  the  case  in  Rolega,  R.B.  <  Roelay  <  Rothe- 
ley  (Fl);  Wime,  D.B.  <  Wieme  <  Witham  (Wime  may  also  be 
due  to  Widme)  (F  1);  Wing,  C.R.  <  Wiungua  <  Withung  (F2); 
and  perhaps  also  in  Seng,  F.A.  <  Seijnges  <  Sethyng  (F  1),  cf. 
however  below. 

(2).  The  two  vowels  are  amalgamated  into  one  sound.  A 
diphthong  may  really  have  been  pronounced  in  Soynthone,  Sel- 
borne  Ch.  <  Suthintune  (B  1)  and  Boing,  Index  <  Rothing  (F  3). 

(3).  Both  in  O.Fr.  and  Mod.  Fr.  a  glide  is  often  developed 
between  the  two  vowels.  This  glide  before  a  following  palatal 
vowel  is  (j),  and  is  either  not  noted  in  the  spelling  or  rendered 
by  i,  y.  Cf.  NYROP,  Grarnm.  §  279;  PASSY,  Changements  phone'- 
tiques,  p.  214.  STIMMING,  p.  237,  adduces  several  A.'N.  instances 
of  i,  y,  as  a  glide  between  unstressed  a,  o  and  a  following  pala- 
tal vowel.  In  the  case  of  the  English  place-names  j  as  a  glide 
appears  with  certainty  only  after  what  from  a  Norman  point  of 
view  was  no  doubt  stressed  e,  whether  this  e  (<  y,  &,  e)  already 
existed  in  English  or  was  due  to  A.N.  adaptation.  On  this  point 
cf.  STOLZE,  p.  18  Anm.  2.  The  following  examples  may  serve 
to  illustrate  the  development  in  question:  Scepereie,  LEI.  <  Sce- 
peree,  Lachingeia,  Index  <  lachingehea  <  Lackingehetha  (D  1); 
Saltreye,  Ramsey  Ch.  <  Saltrede,  Stebeheie,  Fr.Ch.<  Stibenhede  (D  2); 
Codreye,  R.B.  <  Codrede  (D3).  The  above-mentioned  forms  are 
perfect  analogies  to  A.N.  espee,  espeie  <  Lat.  spatha  (see  STIM- 
MING, p.  175,  p.  238)  or  M.E.  contreie  (<  contree):  waye\  see 
BEHRENS,  p.  82. 

The  glide  is  still  kept  in  Mod.  E.  fay  <  M.E.  fay  <  O.Fr. 
foe,  faie,  fayee,  fed,  fee  (Godefroy)  <  Lat.  fata  (N.E.D.).  An 
excellent  parallel  to  the  twofold  development  of  -e]),  -ecte  in  the 
second  element  of  English  place-names  is  also  afforded  by  such 
O.Fr.  doublets  as  deintie,  dente  -  -  daintiet,  bunte,  bountee  —  bon- 
tet  corresponding  to  M.E.  deinteth(e)  -  -  daynte,  Mod.  E.  dainteth 
dainty,  bounteth  bounty.  Cf.  also  O.Fr.  feid,  feit  -  -  fei 
=  M.E.  jeiti  —  fei,  Jey  =  Mod.  E.  faith,  fay. 

A  few  peculiar  spellings  of  the  diphthong  ei  (ai)  are  discussed 
in  Appendix  B. 

The  instances  of  loss  of  ({)),  (it)  we  have  just  been  discus- 
sing can  hardly  be  explained  in  any  other  way  than  as  due  to  the 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  93 

operation  of  A.N.  sound-laws.  In  O.E.  and  M.E.  the  interdental 
spirant  is  hardly  ever  lost  in  position  between  two  vowels  or 
finally  after  a  vowel.  Also  in  the  Mod.  E.  dialects  loss  of  ({)),  (ct) 
is  rarely  found.  Of.  E.D.  Gr.  §  314;  GRONING,  p.  47.  What 
also  tells  in  favour  of  French  influence  is  the  circumstance  that 
the  forms  without  spirant  are  best  and  most  frequently  repre- 
sented in  documents  which  in  every  other  respect  exhibit  strong 
A.N.  peculiarities  (D.BV  Fr.Ch.,  R.B.,  I.EL,  T.N.  etc.).  Exam- 
ples from  O.Fr.  and  A.N.  texts  are  given  by  WESTPHAL,  p.  20 
and  p.  37. 

There  are,  however,  some  instances  in  our  lists  for  which 
A  N.  influence  can  hardly  be  claimed.  Before  I  and  r  (see  list 
E)  loss  of  th  as  early  as  in  D.B.  is  most  likely  due  to  French 
influence.  Modern  forms  like  Surrey  <  Sutirige  etc.  (see  E  2) 
have  been  explained  as  due  to  assimilation  in  English  itself  (cf. 
KLUGE,  Paul's  Gr.,  p.  1007),  though  in  our  opinion  French 
sound-development  is  not  altogether  excluded  3.  We  must  keep 
in  mind  that  assimilatory  loss  of  th  sets  in  mainly  before  /,  s, 
d,  t,  more  seldom  before  other  consonants. 

The  French  forms  without  th  existed  for  a  long  time  by 
the  side  of  the  native  ones  in  which  th  was  kept.  In  the  13th 
cent,  the  former  were  still  very  well  represented.  Even  in  the 
14th  cent,  they  are  not  unusual,  but  a  hundred  years  later  they 
seenT  to  have  altogether  disappeared  except  in  the  few  cases 
where  they  ultimately  prevailed. 

The  French  forms  are,  of  course,  much  more  numerous  in 
the  Anglo-Latin  feudal  records  than  in  the  purely  English  chro- 
nicles. A  comparison  between  the  chronicle  of  Peter  Langtoft 
and  that  of  Rob.  of  Brunne,  of  which  the  latter  is  to  a  great 
extent  based  on  the  former,  shows  that  Langtoft. always  prefers 
the  forms  in  -mue  <  O.E.  mupa,  whereas  R.  of  Brunne,  with  very 
few  exceptions,  makes  use  of  the  native  forms :  Portesm ue,  Lang- 
toft I,  p.  450;  Portesmouth,  R.Br.,  p.  96  etc.  The  form  -mue  is 
very  rare  in  R.Br.  One  instance  is  Germue,  Gernemeue,  -mue, 
p.  252,  ansvering  to  Gernemue,  -meue,  Langtoft  II,  p.  196. 


1  In  all  the  O.Fr.  texts  we  have  had  an  opportunity  of  examining 
Surrey  always  appears  without  the  dental.  Thus  Surree,  Ron,  v.  7736; 
Surr(i)e,  G.  le  Mar.,  v.  1552;  Surye,  Langtoft  I,  p.  170. 


94  H.  E.  Zachrisson 

We  will  now  proceed  to  give  a  short  survey  of  the  cases 
iu  which  the  French  forms  have  gained  the  victory. 

That,  as  far  as  compounds  with  Sup-,  •muf(a)  are  concerned 
(see  lists  A,  B),  the  French  forms  have  never  prevailed,  is,  of 
course,  due  to  the  fact  that  the  etymology  of  the  words  was 
quite  clear.  South  and  mouth  were  parts  of  the  general  vocabu- 
lary, and  supported  the  native  forms. 

In  Wy  ville  (see  list  C  2)  it  is  not  only  the  spirant  that  has 
been  lost  owing  to  A.N.  sound-development,  but  in  the  suffix 
French  ville  has  supplanted  older  well.  When  ville  appears  as  a 
suffix  in  English  place-names  it  is  mostly  due  to  substitution  of 
the  French  etymon  ville  for  English  well  or  Southern  vel(d)  < 
feld.  Acoustic  resemblance  is  probably  often  the  cause  of  the 
substitution. 

It  is  above  all  in  place-names  containing  O.E.  rip,  hyp,  h&p 
etc.  that  the  French  forms  have  been  victorious  (see  list  D  2). 
This  is  perhaps  best  explained  thus:  the  forms  in  -ee,  -eie  did 
not  appear  strange  or  unfamiliar  to  the  English.  They  were 
easily  associated  with  a  similar  and  very  usual  suffix,  -e,  -eie  < 
O.E.  ea,  eg,  Mclf.  p.  44,  45.  To  the  instances  quoted  in  list  D  2 
we  may  add  one  more,  in  which  the  forms  without  tin,  also  have 
prevailed.  In  the  English  Sir  Beves  of  Hamtoun  (ed.  KOLBING, 
E.E.T.S.,  E.S.  46,  48,  65)  we  note  the  following  interesting  forms 
of  Putney  (Sr.),  nowadays  the  name  of  a  London  district  south 
of  the  Thames:  Pofenhipe:  swipe,  p.  202,  MS.  A  (c.  1327);  Poun- 
tany,  ibid.,  MS.  S  (end  of  14  c.);  Ponteney:  they,  ibid.,  MS.  C; 
Poivnteneth,  ibid.,  MS.  M  (loth  cent.);  Putneth,  ibid.,  0  (printed 
copy,  closely  related  to  M);  Pountenay:  lay:  way:  tway  (=  two), 
p.  208,  210,  214,  MS.  E.  (sec.  half  of  14th  cent.)  l. 


1  As  late  as  the  17th  cent,  double  forms  still  occur  for  some  of  the 
place-names  here  in  question.  The  same  person  is  called  R.  Stepneth  or 
Stepney  in  an  entry  of  1600;  see  BARDSLEY'S  Die.,  p.  716.  This  being  so,  it 
would  really  be  curious  if  we  did  not  sometimes  find  -eth  for  etymological 
•ei  on  the  analogy  of  those  cases  where  the  interchange  was  original.  I 
think  I  have  found  a  trace  of  such  analogous  forms  in  Magna  Britannia, 
where  Brent  Eleigh  and  Monk  Eleigh  (Sf.)  are  called  Brent  Ely  or  Brentil- 
leth  alias  combusta,  Monks  Ely  or  Munselleth.  The  etymology  is  O.E.  Illan 
leah  (leage]  (a.  999),  Earle.  M.E.  forms  are  Illeya,  Ille.ye,  H.R.,  Illeg,  T.N.  Cf. 
also  Appendix  B. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  95 

According  to  Tanger,  Rothwell  as  a  place-name  is  pro- 
nounced with  (|D),  as  a  personal  name,  without.  Hope  gives  the 
notation  »Rowell»  for  Rothwell  (Np.).  Both  the  latter  pronun- 
ciations may  depend  on  A.N.  forms  without  th  (see  list  F  1). 


A.N.  (t),  (d)  is  substituted  for  M.E.  final  ([>),  and 
intervocalic  (d). 

Though  in  the  course  of  the  12th  cent,  the  interdental 
spirant  was  lost  in  A.N.  in  all  positions,  we,  nevertheless,  find 
spellings  t  for  (p)  finally,  and  d  for  (d)  medially.  To  assign  the 
value  of  (ID),  (d)  to  these  spellings  is  not  possible,  for  some  of 
them,  particularly  those  with  d,  have  been  handed  down  to  our 
time,  and  d  is  here  still  pronounced  (d).  In  our  opinion  such 
instances  of  t  and  d  are  now  due  to  A.N.  sound-substitution, 
and  should,  consequently,  have  been  treated  in  Part  I.  To  avoid 
unnecessary  repetitions  of  forms  and  to  give  a  better  survey 
of  this  whole  question,  we  have  considered  it  the  best  plan  to 
deal  with  the  eventual  sound- substitution  of  (t)  for  final  (|D)  and 
(d)  for  intervocalic  (d)  in  this  context.  In  the  sequel  we  will, 
in  the  first  place,  treat  of  some  cases  of  (t)  for  ([>),  then  proceed 
to  (d)  for  (d). 

1.     A.N.  (t)  is  substituted  for  M.E.  final  (|D). 

That  (t)  was  used  by  the  Normans  as  a  substitute  for  ({>), 
not  only  initially  but  also  finally,  is  indisputable.  Rhymes  of  t: 
th  <  p  are  usual  in  Gaimar  etc.;  cf.  VISING,  Le  dial.  Anglo- 
Normand,  p.  90,  and  RATHMANN,  p.  39. 

The  only  case  of  t  being  preserved  which  may  belong 
here  is  Orsett  (Es.).  Forms  like  Orseda,  D.B.,  Horseth,  C.R.  (see 
list  D  3)  undoubtedly  point  to  an  O.E.  *HorshcBp  !. 

We  note,  however,  in  many  purely  English  works  of  the 
llth  cent,  and  later  a  peculiar  orthographic  interchange  of  final 
^,  th  and  t,  d: 

Rule  of  S.  Benet  (MS.  1020—30),  t  for  f,  as  in  det  (=  doth); 
d  for  #,  as  in  wurdmend,  hwced  (=  what),  see  LOGEMAN,  p.  LIT. 


1    As    regards  Ayot  <  O.E.  egofi,  ef.  the  explanation  given  by  SKEAT, 
Pl.-Ns.  of  Cb.,  p.  58. 


96  &.  E.  Zachrisson 

La3amon,  /  for  p,  in  A  6  X,  in  B  often;  ft  for  t,  a  few 
times  both  in  A  and  B,  see  LUCHT,  p.  65,  72.  On  page  65 
Lucht  also  draws  attention  to  similar  spellings  from  several  llth 
and  12th  cent.  MSS.,  e.g.  ^Elfric,  Textus  Roffensis,  M.E.  version 
of  the  Rule  of  S.  Beuet  etc. 

Norfolk  Guilds  (14th  c.),  t  for  th  is  usual,  see  SCHULTZ 
(Diss.  Jena  1891),  p.  28  f. 

London  deeds  (1384—1430),  t  for  J5,  th,  as  in  hat,  levet, 
strecchet;  d  for  th,  as  in  had,  see  MORSBACH,  Urkunden,  p.  134, 
p.  137. 

Many  more  examples  are  noted  by  DIBELITJS,  Anglia  XXIII, 
p.  452  f.,  and  NEUMANN,  Paston  Letters,  p.  91. 

This  interchange  is  generally  confined  to  unstressed  sylla- 
bles, particularly  the  verbal  ending  -eth,  and  in  consideration  of 
the  very  usual  inverted  spellings  (at,  f  for  t)  it  may  represent  a 
real  transition  of  ([))  >  (t),  which  perhaps  has  taken  place  in  con- 
nected speech  before  consonants  like  ,9,  f,  t,  d  etc.  Having  thus 
arisen  in  some  positions,  the  dental  stop  might  easily  have 
been  transferred  to  others,  and  have  even  sometimes  transplant- 
ed original  th.  A  similar  explanation  would  seem  possible  for 
some  sporadic  instances  of  t  for  final  th  also  in  the  present 
English  dialects.  Cf.  E.D.  Gr.  §  316;  FRANZMEYER,  p.  75;  KRUIS- 
INGA  §  362  and  Additions  p.  178. 

As  to  d  for  final  th,  p  I  do  not  think  we  need  assign  the 
value  of  (d)  to  this  spelling  in  the  cases  here  in  question.  Thus 
MORSBACH,  Urkunden,  p.  134.  It  seems  more  likely  that  d  is 
nothing  but  an  inverted  spelling  for  t.  In  fact,  in  nearly  all 
those  texts  where  we  find  d  for  final  th  we  also  find  some  in- 
stances of  t  for  d  in  the  same  position.  Cf.  LOGEMAN,  Rule  of 
S.  Benet,  p.  LI;  LUCHT,  La3amon,  p.  68  1;  MORSBACH,  Urkun- 
deu,  p.  144,  fulfyllyt  by  the  side  of  fulfyllyd.  Now,  if  both 
the  ending  of  the  past  tense  -ed  and  that  of  the  present  tense 
-eth  were  changed  to  -et,  one  might  sometimes  be  put  for  the 
other.  For  such  instances  see  BLACH,  Paulsschule,  p.  41.  DIBE- 
LIUS,  p.  452,  notes  rhymes  like  longith  (present  tense):  hongit 
(past  part.). 

From  the  above  examination  we  may  conclude  that,  though 
A.N.  influence  in  itself  is  not  impossible  with  reference  to 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  97 

Orsett  <  Horsheth,  t  in  this  and  similar  cases  can  also  be  explained 
as  due  to  dialectal  sound-change. 


2.     A.N.  (d)  is  substituted  for  M.E.  intervocalic  (ct). 

Intervocalic  d  for  th  is  much  more  usual  than  final  t  for 
ih,  and  such  forms  have  also  been  adopted  much  more  generally. 
In  his  treatise  on  the  Germanic  elements  in  French  and  Pro- 
venc,al,  p.  168,  MACKEL,  with  reference  to  the  different  treatment 
of  (ct),  distinguishes  between  early  loan-words  in  which  the  spi- 
rant was  lost,  and  comparatively  late  ones  in  which  it,  probably 
owing  to  sound- substitution,  appears  as  d.  After  observing  that 
Gaimar  generally  uses  d  for  O.E.  (d)  in  personal  names,  RATH- 
MANN,  p.  42,  no  doubt  correctly,  assigns  the  value  of  (d)  to  this 
spelling.  Numerous  instances  of  d  for  etymological  ct,  and  vice- 
versa,  in  both  the  MSS.  of  La3amon  are  looked  upon  by  LUHMANN, 
p.  38,  as  due  to  French  misrepresentation  and,  no  doubt,  also 
mispronunciation.  We  have  then  to  assume  that  from  about  the 
middle  of  the  12th  cent,  the  Normans  commenced  to  substitute 
(d)  for  (ct)  in  English  place-names. 

The  following  typical  13th  cent,  instances  have  been  chosen 
from  the  lists  to  illustrate  the  sound-substitution:  Tinemuda,  Ch.R. 
(A);  Sudwerk,  Index,  Sudington,  Selborne  Ch.  (Bl);  Wydecunib, 
H.R.,  Wydinton,  F.A.,  Widebroc,  Index  (C  1);  Widiford,  Tax.  Eccl. 
(03);  Meldred,  Ch.R.,  Alreheda,  Ramsey  Ch.  (D  1);  Bulchude, 
T.N.,  Bulhud,  H.R.  (D2);  Heanred,  Ch.R.,  Ledrede,  Index,  (D  4) 
etc.  O.E.  Wiftigslad  (a.  739),  Crawford  Charters,  appears  as 
Wydeslade  in  a  late  copy  of  the  15th  cent.  O.E.  Bade,  A.S.  Chr., 
is  called  Ba,  Bae  in  Langtoft  I,  p.  34,  and  Roman  de  Rou,  v. 
7750,  with  loss  of  (cT),  Bade  in  Wace,  with  d  for  (ct). 

Though  we  may  be  fairly  sure  that  comparatively  early  in- 
stances of  d  for  th  in  English  place-names  are  due  to  A.N.  sound- 
substitution,  we  are  not  therefore  always  justified  in  considering  d 
in  the  present  forms  of  the  place-names  in  question  as  an  A.N. 
peculiarity.  The  transition  of  (ct)  to  (d),  particularly  before  Z, 
and  when  -er  follows,  is  well  evidenced  in  M.E.,  and  has  also 
taken  place  in  several  words  belonging  to  the  literary  language. 
Of.  KLUGE,  Paul's  Gr.,  p.  1008.  d  m  Headley  (Wo.)  <  O.E. 
HaWege,  Birch  455,  and  Widley  (Ha.)  <  O.E.  Withiglea,  Birch 

7 


98  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

142,  is,  no  doubt,  due  to  this  sound-change.  In  the  M.E.  texts 
mentioned  in  §  2,  p.  43  f.,  where  initial  p  often  appears  as  dr 
intervocalic  d  for  f  is  also  quite  usual.  Promptorium  Parvulorum 
has  schede  (=  sheath),  see  Stratmann-Bradley.  In  our  opinion 
the  above-mentioned  spellings  with  d  for  f,  th  may  very  well 
indicate  a  dialectal  pronunciation,  of  which  now  only  some  traces 
are  left.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  in  the  present  English  dialects 
intervocalic  (d)  for  (d)  occurs,  independently  of  position  before 
one  consonant  or  the  other,  both  in  N.  and  S.  England.  Cf. 
E.D.  Gr.  §  315;  FRANZMEYEK,  p.  64;  HIRST,  Dialect  of  Kendal 
(Anglist.  Forschungen  16),  p.  89.  In  his  edition  of  Pedes  Fi- 
uium  for  Kent  (Publ.  of  Kent  Archseol.  Soc.  I,  p.  230)  the  Rev. 
L.  B.  LARKING  tells  us  that  South  Ash  is  in  the  vernacular 
pronounced  »Soudaisse». 

But  the  great  question  is:  when  and  where  did  this  change 
of  (d)  >  (d)  take  place?  Here  again,  we  find  ourselves  in  face 
of  a  problem  which  is  not  to  be  solved  easily  *.  Only  by  a 
thorough  special  investigation  could  it  be  decided  if  d  in  such 
modern  forms  as  given  in  the  lists  B  2,  03,  D  4,  F  3  is  due  to 
A.N.  sound-substitution  or  dialectal  sound-development. 

In  one  or  two  cases  some  evidence  may  be  adduced  which 
tells  in  favour  of  French  influence.  Rodiug  is,  according  to  Hope, 
dialectally  pronounced  »Roothing»,  and  from  some  th  spellings 
of  the  17th  and  18th  cent.  (Index  Villarum,  Camden)  we  may 
perhaps  conclude  that  this  is  or  was  the  case  also  with  Wide- 
combe  (Dv.). 

Some  very  interesting  examples  of  the  double  A.N.  treat- 
ment of  intervocalic  (5)  are  offered  by  the  various  modern  and 
M.E.  forms  of  O.E.  friping  as  tabulated  below. 

1.  Tring  (Ht.),  SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns.  of  Ht.,  p.  38,  is  unable  to  arrive  at 
any  certain  etymology.  Curiously  enough,  he  has  overlooked  the  important 
D.B.  form  Tredunga,  which  makes  the  derivation  from  O.E.  griping  obvious. 


1  JELLINGHAUS,  Anglia  XX,  p.  258  Anm.,  thinks  that  d  already  in 
D.B.  stands  for  (d),  a  dialectal  development  of  (d).  LUCHT,  Lajamon,  p.  97, 
and  LANGER,  Abingdon  Chart.,  p.  66,  are  of  opinion  that  the  occurrence  of 
r)  as  an  inverted  spelling  for  d  in  several  12th  and  13th  cent.  MSS.  necessarily 
must  indicate  a  transition  of  (d)>(d),  We  cannot  subscribe  to  this  view. 
Both  in  O.E.  and  e.  M.E.  d  is  often  used  for  J5,  d,  merely  owing  to  confusion 
of  letters.  Cf.  Appendix  A. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  99 

2.     Division    of   land    in    Line.     We  have  not    been    able  to  find  any  more 
entries  after  the  year  1401.     3.     Riding,  division  of  land  in  Yorkshire. 

D.B.  Tredunga1,  Treunga1,  Trevinga1,  Norttreding* ,  Sudtreding* , 
Westredinge* ,  Nortreding5  vel  Norttreding*,  Estreding*,  Westreding*. 

1 2th  c.  —  Li.S.  West  Triding*,  Nortriding*.  Pontefract  Ch.  de  Tridings3 
et  de  Wapentaciis  (c.  1150). 

13th  c.  —  H.R.  Norththrything*,  Northtryyng*,  Norttrihing*,  Norttrifhyng'\ 
Sud  Thrything*,  Sudthrything* ,  Suththreheng* ,  Suthtreing'*,  Suth- 
tring'z}  Suttring'\  Sutt'ying*,  Westthreylg*,  Westreingge*,  Westre- 
thing\  Westrithlg*,  Westthrithing*,  Westtrying*,  Northtithing\ 
Northriding*,  Estriding*,  Estridding*.  R.B.  Traynge*.  T.N.  Treing1, 
Treng1. 

14th  c.  —  F.A.  Trehynge1  (1303),  Northrithing*  (1316),  Suthrithing*  (1316), 
Westrithing^  (1316).  Yo.  Recs.  (see  SKAIFE,  Survey  of  Yo.  etc.r 
Appendix).  North  striding5,  Nortridinge*,  Westriding*  (c.  1300). 

15th  c.  —  F.A.  Northrithing*  (1401),  Southrithing  (1401),  Westrithing*  (1401). 
Index.  Trynge1  (1441). 

On  the  evidence  of  the  D.B.  forms  STEENSTRTJP  has  derived 
Mod.  E.  Riding  (Yo.)  from  O.E.  frifing  <  Scand.  priffjungr,  in  spite 
of  the  phonetic  difficulties  involved  by  such  a  derivation.  There  was, 
however,  the  same  division  of  land  in  Line.,  and  in  entries  relat- 
ing to  this  county  from  the  H.R.  and  the  F.A.  we  find  the  true 
English  form  thrithing,  which  hitherto  has  escaped  the  attention 
of  philologists. 

Forms  like  Estriding,  Northriding,  H.R.  etc.,  corresponding 
to  modern  Riding,  in  all  probability,  exhibit  French  d  for  Eng- 
lish (3)  ^ 

Tring  (Ht.)  is  an  instance  of  the  early  French  forms  with- 
out spirant  having  prevailed.  As  to  the  intermediate  stages  in 
the  development  Thrithing  >  Tring  there  are  several  possibilities 
to  be  taken  into  consideration,  Triing2  may  have  been  contract- 


1  Cf.  BJOEKMAN,  Archiv  116,  p.  105,  who  also  points  to  the  lengthening 
of    i   as   a  criterion  of  French  influence.     This  may  be  true,  though,  on  the 
other    hand,    (ai)    for  (i)  in  the  present  pron.  may  be  due  to  spell.-pron.     In 
like    manner   (ai)    in    Mod.    E.   Clive  <  clif  and  Ticehurst  <  ticcen  (see  §  1, 
p.  31)  may  be  due  either  to  spell.-pron.  or  French  vowel-lengthening. 

2  Tr  instead  of  Thr  may  be  due  to  A.N.  sound-substitution  or  dialectal 
development.     Cf.   §  2,  p.  44  f.     In    the    personal    name  Thring  Hi  has  been 
kept  to  the  present  day.    Cf.  BAEDSLEY,  Die.,  p.  747,  where  numerous  early 
forms  are  recorded. 


100  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

ed  to  Tring,  whereupon,  owing  to  a  general  M.E.  tendency,  i 
was  shortened  before  ng.  On  this  point  cf.  MORSBACH,  Mittel- 
engl.  Grainm.,  p.  69,  p.  73.  If  we  start  from  early  forms  like 
Trayinge,  Treinge  <  Tredinge  (with  A.N.  e  for  E.  i,  cf.  STOLZE, 
p.  17),  ei  may  here  have  been  made  into  a  diphthong  ei,  ai, 
whence  by  monophthong! zation  e,  which  became  i  before  ng. 
On  the  other  hand  ei  may  also  be  a  Frenoh  spelling  for  e, 
which  in  late  M.E.  often  interchanged  with  i.  Cf.  MORSBACH, 
Mittelengl.  Gramrn.,  p.  150. 

The  Lincolnshire  forms  in  the  H.R.  are  of  particular  interest, 
for  here  we  find  all  three  forms  as  well  as  many  curious 
blendings  *. 

G.    In  place-names  containing  O.E.  cepel. 

Nearly  all  place-names  here  in  question  are  compounded 
with  personal  names  in  cepel.  The  greater  part  of  of  this  sec- 
tion must,  therefore,  be  devoted  to  the  study  of  such  personal 
names.  We  admit  that  in  the  following  discussion  a  few  mat- 
ters have  been  entered  upon  which  are  not  absolutely  necessary 
in  order  to  obtain  a  right  understanding  of  the  various  forms  of 


1  Instances  of  h  for  th,  d  appear  in  entries  like  Norttrihing,  H.R.,  Trehynge 
F.A.  Such  forms  are  to  be  compared  with  Portesmuha  C.R.  (see  list  A.) 

In  some  early  M.E.  texts  several  cases  of  initial  and  final  h  for  J) 
have  been  noted,  which,  no  doubt,  are  best  explained  as  mere  confusions 
of  letters.  Thus  SCHROEE,  Regula  S.  Bened,  p.  18;  BERBEKICH,  Herb.  Apu- 
leii,  p.  8.  Of  different  opinion  are  LUICK,  Deutsche  Lit.  Zeitung  1890, 
p.  746,  and  LUHMANN,  Lasamon,  p.  46,  who  think  that  h  in  such  spellings 
represents  a  development  of  p.  Their  reasons  do  not  seem  to  us  very 
convincing. 

In  Trehynge,  Portesmuha  etc.  h  has  certainly  no  phonetic  value;  it 
merely  stands  to  indicate  that  e  and  i,  u  and  a  belong  to  two  separate  syl- 
lables. Both  in  O.Fr.  and  Mod.  Fr.  we  often  find  h  used  as  a  mere  hiatus- 
filler.  Cf.  NYBOP,  Gramm.  §  279  Remarque;  MACKEL,  p.  133. 

Initial  h  is  often  omitted  in  D.B.,  and  here,  as  well  as  in  later  records, 
we  also  find  instances  of  an  unetymological  h  both  initially  and  medially. 
Cf.  spellings  like  Cornehude,  Bradehode,  D.B.  =  Cornwood,  Bradwood  (Dv.)  — 
in  D.B.  ode,  ude  are  usual  spellings  for  O.E.  wudu  —  Suavesia,  Sivavesehe, 
Fr.Ch.  =  Swavesey  (Cb.);  Clixeby,  Clixheby,  H.R.  =  Clixeby  (Li.);  Cameshing, 
R.B.  =  Kemsing  (Ke.)  <  O.E.  Kymesinc,  Index;  Messingham,  Meshingham, 
H.R.  =  Messingham  (Li.)  etc. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  101 

the  place-names,  but,  as  the  entire  question  exhibits  many  points 
of  special  interest,  we  have  *  thought  it  admissible  to  treat  it 
somewhat  more  exhaustively  than  would  have  been  required 
solely  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  place-names. 


1.     cefel  in  personal  names. 

Two  questions,  in  particular  will  have  to  be  closely  inquired 
into:  (1).  The  transition  of  cefel  to  cegel.  (2).  The  confusion 
of  cefel  with  celf,  eald,  ealh. 


a.     Transition  of  cefel  >  cegel. 

This  transition  has  already  been  dealt  with  by  Prof.  MOES- 
BACH  in  Festschrift  fur  Wendelin  Fcerster  (=  Die  angebliche 
Origiualitat  des  Fruhmittelenglischen  King  Horn,  Sonderabzug, 
Halle  1902).  The  chief  aim  of  the  author  is  to  prove  that,  though 
English  as  to  its  contents,  the  original  version  af  the  M.E.  story 
of  King  Horn  was  the  work  of  one,  or  more  than  one,  French, 
probably  Anglo-French,  writer  (p.  299).  In  his  opinion  the 
French  origin  is  clearly  indicated  by  the  fact  that  the  metre 
requires  such  forms  as  Ailmar  etc.  pronounced  in  two  syllables 
<  original  ^Ethelmcer  etc.  in  three  syllables  (p.  322).  To  account 
for  the  transition  of  cefel  >  cegel  MORSBACH  assumes  French  influence 
(p.  305)  *.  For  examples  he  refers  to  Searle's  Onomasticon 


1  Indeed,  this  seems  to  be  the  only  possible  explanation.  The  theory 
according  to  which  O.E.  cegel,  eg  el  (<  cege,  cf.  MULLEK,  Palaestra,  IX,  p.  105)  has 
taken  the  place  of  cepel  is  highly  improbable,  the  latter  being  a  much  more 
usual  compound  in  O.E.  personal  names  than  the  former.  Cf.  the  examples  in 
Searle.  -  -  In  Viet.  Hist,  of  Np.,'  p.  297,  Mr.  ROUND,  a  well-known  English 
scholar,  accounts  for  cegel  <  cepel  as  due  to  confusion  of  letters.  Had  we  to 
do  only  with  a  few  sporadic  spellings,  this  explanation  would  in  itself  be 
possible.  The  O.E.  symbols  p,  #,  3  were  unknown  to  the  Normans,  and  for 
that  reason  are  often  put  one  for  the  other.  Instances  are  adduced  by  SKEAT, 
The  Proverbs  of  Alfred  (Oxford  1907),  p.  XIV;  SCHROEK,  Winteney-Vers.  der 
Regula  S.  Bened.  p.  XXII;  LUHMANN,  La3amon,  pp.  44,  45.  In  all  their 
instances  3  occurs  as  an  occasional  spelling  for  J),  which  has  hardly  given 
rise  to  any  new  pronunciation,  whereas  cegel  for  cefel  is  extremely  usual, 
and  has  been  kept  to  the  present  day.  Consequently,  the  explanation  of 
cegel  as  due  to  mere  confusion  of  letters  does  not  seem  to  be  admissible. 


102  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

(pp.  5,  33  ff.,  534  ff.),  where  we  are  told  »that  cegel,  is  a  late  form 
of  (ethcl,  which  first  appears  on  coins  of  ^Ethelred  II.  (978— 1017). » 

It  seems,  indeed,  surprising  that  French  should  have  exercised 
any  influence  on  English  names  as  early  as  1000,  and,  as  far  as 
we  can  see,  Searle  has  not  adduced  any  certain  examples  of  agel 
for  (Bpel  of  so  early  a  date.  Perhaps  he  has  overlooked  that  early 
cegel-toTms  on  coins  etc.  may  be  due  to  the  above-mentioned  O.E. 
cegel,  egel.  If  we  except  the  charters,  which  often  exist  only  in  late 
copies,  Searle's  instances  of  cegel  for  cefel  are  mainly  derived  from 
Anglo-Latin  chronicles,  which  exist  in  MSS.  of  the  12th  cent, 
and  later,  e.g.  Henry  of  Huntingdon,  Will,  of  Malmesbury,  Flo- 
rence of  Worcester  etc. 

With  a  view  to  establishing  the  chronology  of  the  transition, 
we  have  scanned  the  various  forms  of  personal  names  com- 
pounded with  cepel  in  the  MSS.  of  the  A.S.  Chr.  The  sec.  part 
of  Eafle  and  Plummer's  edition  contains  an  excellent  Index  of 
Names.  In  the  Introd.  to  the  same  part  the  date  of  the  MSS. 
is  noted.  It  appears  that  in  the  MS.  A  (entries  nearly  contem- 
porary with  events,  latest  entries  in  1075)  there  are  no  instances 
of  cepel  >  cegel.  The  same  is  the  case  with  B  (c.  1000),  C  (c.  1050), 
as  also  with  E  (1121—1154).  D  (second  half  of  lithe.)  has 
one  single  example :  j&gelmer  =  ^Efelmcer  E.  First  in  F  (pro- 
bably contemporary  with  D.B.,  there  being,  a  great  resemblance 
between  the  handwriting  of  the  two),  the  transition  is  very  well 
instanced :  JEctelberht,  ^Egclberht,  Egelbert  =  2Eftelbrylit  A ;  j?Egel- 
Eftelno$,  -nod  C,  E;  JEgelred  =  JE&elred  A,  C,  D,  E; 
=  JEpelric  C,  E;  ^Egelword  =  JEtielward  E.  -  -  We  have 
not  been  able  to  find  any  instances  of  interchange  in  Sweet's 
O.E.T.  Thus,  as  cegel  for  cefel  does  not  seem  to  appear  until 
after  the  Conquest,  this  seems  to  support  the  theory  that  the 
change  in  question  is  due  to  A.N.  influence. 

In  the  A.S.  Chr.  we  also  find  cefe,  cep  as  alternative  forms 
of  ccfel:  rfftebald  (a.  778)  E  =  JStfellald  D;  JEfrelm  (a.  837)  B  = 
^Epdhelm  A,  E;  JEpered  (a.  675)  A  =  JEfelred  A;  JEfered  C  = 
JEfelred  C;  JEfrered  a  (contemporary  with  F)  =  ^]felred  F;  JEdestan 
C  =  ^Efelstan  A,  E ;  ^Efestan  B  =  ^elstan  A ,  E ;  Apewold  E  =  ^Ef el- 
wold  A;  AfulfA,  B,  C,  D,  ActewulfF  =  JEfclwulj  A,  ^delwulfE. 

The  loss  of  I  in  cepel  is  explained  phonetically  by  some 
authors.  BCLBRLNG  §  552  a,  accounts  for  Aecterred  <  ^Eftilred 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on   English  place-names  103 

as  due  to  assimilation  of  Ir  to  rr.  In  the  Crawford  Ch.,  ed. 
NAPIER-STEVENSON,  p.  99,  we  find  the  remark  that  I  seems  to  be 
frequently  omitted  in  the  name  of  ^Epelstan  after  the  beginning 
of  the  llth  cent.  The  forms  above  indicate,  however,  that  cepe 
for  cefiel  is  not  confined  to  any  special  position  or  any  special 
time.  We  feel  inclined  to  look  upon  ape,  &£  as  shortened  (pet- 
name)  forms  of  cefiel.  Or*.  &])  <  cepel  in  the  Liber  VitaB,  MULLER 
(Palaestra  IX),  p.  99;  ad  <  adal,  mad  <  madal,  STARK,  Die  Kose- 
namen  der  Germanen  (Wien  1868)  pp.  40,  421. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  this  much  is  certain,  that  in  records  of 
the  12th  cent. 'both  cepel  and  cefie  often  appear  as  cegel,  cege,  ail, 
ai.  In  Morsbach's  opinion  this  change  is  due  to  French  sound- 
substitution:  »Das  fur  den  Franzosen  unaussprechbare  inter- 
vokalische  (stimmhafte)  f  fallt  entweder  aus,  oder  wird  durch  die 
stimmhafte  Spirans  j  ersetzt»  (p.  305).  For  various  reasons  this 
explanation  can  hardly  be  the  correct  one.  We  have  already 
seen  that  Norman  (ct)  <  Lat.  t,  d  was  still  kept  at  the  time  of 
the  Conquest,  and,  moreover,  j  does  not  seem  to  be  any  likely 
substitute  for  (d).  We  are  of  opinion  that,  after  the  loss  of  ^, 
ceel  <  (epel  was  turned  into  cpgel,  ceil,,  owing  to  a  desire  to  avoid 
hiatus. 

We  will  try  and  support  this  theory  by  adducing  some 
parallel  instances.  In  the  first  place,  we  may  draw  attention  to 
Mod.  Fr.  »aimant»,  Engl.  »adamant».  The  etymology  of  this  word 
is  Lat.  adamantem,  which,  with  loss  of  d  and  transition  of 
•ae  to  ai(e),  appears  in  O.Fr.  as  aymant,  aiemans,  aemans  (Gode- 
froy).  The  O.E.  form  adamans,  Cura  Pastoralis  (see  N.E.D.),  of 
which  athamant,  Chaucer,  may  be  a  continuation  was  borrowed 
at  a  time  when  the  spirant  was  still  preserved.  Mod.  English 
»adamant»  corresponding  to  adamant,  Chaucer,  seems  to  owe  its  d 
to  learned  influence  from  the  Latin  word.  M.E.  aimont,  Ayen- 
bite,  is,  as  regards  its  form,  identical  with  O.Fr.  aymant.  < — 
Another  parallel  is  offered  by  O.Fr.  Aimer  <  Ademarus,  Adamar, 
containing  a  Germanic  root  *ada  or  *hactu.  Cf.  A.  LONGNON, 
Polyptyque  de  1'abbaye  de  Saint-Germain  (Paris  1895)  vol.  I, 
p.  276;  MACKEL,  p.  15;  WALTEMATH,  pp.  12,  38.  —  Lastly  we  may 

1  Corresponding  to  cepe  <  cepel  we  also  find  cege  <  cegel  in  the  A.S. 
€hr.:  uEgebertus  F  =  jEgelbryht  A.  In  the  Liber  Vitse  we  have  noted  oid  < 
oidil  (=  epel):  oiduald  ==  oidiluuald,  Sweet,  O.E.T.,  p.  145. 


104  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

quote  from  D.B.  itself  Oilard,  Oidelard,  probably  correspond- 
ing to  O.H.G.  Othalhart,  see  HILDEBRAND,  p.  348;  LONGNON, 
p.  355  *. 

From  what  has  been  said  above  it  appears  that  at  the  time 
of  the  Conquest  there  must  have  existed  various  pronunciations 
of  ce^el,  cepe:  One  with  the  dental  retained,  which  was  used  both 
by  Englishmen  and  Normans,  another  with  ioss  of  the  dental 
owing  to  A.N.  sound-change,  and  a  third  with  cei(e)  <  aee  like- 
wise in  accordance  with  Norman  habits  of  speech.  The  existence 
of  all  these  pronunciations  may  easily  be  proved  by  spellings 
from  D.B.  and  other  early  records  2. 

1.  The  interdental  spirant  is  kept  (spelled  th,  d,  cf.  Appen- 
dix A):  JEdelftete ;  Adelid;  Adelard;  Afhelwold,  Adeluuald,  Edel- 
uuold,  Adeold;  Adelulf,  Adulf,  Edeulf;  Adelric,  Edelric, 


1  Though   it  seems  to  be  a  matter  beyond  all  doubt  that  cepel  Z>  cegel 
is  due  to  French  influence,  some  uncertainty  remains  as  to  the  way  in  which 
the    transition    has    taken   place.     A   glide  (j)  may  have  been  developed  be- 
tween   a  and  e.     Cf.  above  p.  92  hee  >  heie  etc.     This  theory  seems  to  gain 
in    probability   when  we  consider  the  occurrence  of  such  a  form  as  aiemans 
<  aemans.     On  the  other  hand,  the  opinion  generally  held  by  French  scholars 
is  that  the  unstressed  e  was  changed  to  t,  whereupon  i  coalesced  with  the  pre- 
ceding   a  to  a  diphthong  ai  (adamantem  >  aemant  >  aimant  ^>  aimant}.     Cf. 
NYROP,  Gramm.  §  275.     In  this  case  the  spelling  cegel  in  early  Engl.  records 
would  signify  a  pronunciation  cnl  in  one  syllable.    Obviously,  the  most  handy 
way  of  expressing  the  sound-combination  ceil  was  to  alter  cepel  into  cegel.  - 
To    the    Normans  the  spelling  agel  for  ail  might  have  been  easily  suggested 
by    the    coexistence  of  such  name-forms  as  Agelberga,  Ailberga,  Agilmundus, 
Ailmundus  etc.,  agel  being  a  more  archaic  spelling  when  contrasted  with  ail, 
the    purely  phonetic    one.     More    instances    are    afforded    by   LONGNON,  Po- 
lyptyque,    p.  278;   WALTEMATH,  p.  12.     As  to  the  sense  and  origin  of  O.Fr. 
agel   cf.    LONGNON    I.e.,    and    ARBOIS  DE  JUBAINVILLE,  Etudes  sur  la  langue 
des   Francs,  Paris  1900,  p.  9  f.     The  definite  solution  of  the  whole  question 
is,    no    doubt,    to    be   found  in  the  name-forms  of  O.Fr.  records  of  the  llth 
an4    early    12th   cent.     Such    records   have    unfortunately    not   been   acces- 
sible to  us. 

2  Mr.    H.    ELLIS,   the  learned  editor  of  the  two  last  volumes  of  D.B., 
has    brought   together   the   various   names  occurring  there  in  three  lists:  A 
tenants  in  capite  in  1086,  B  owners  of  land  under  Edward  the  Confessor,  C 
subtenants  in  1086.     These  lists  are  to  be  found  in  vol.  3  of  D.B.   They  are 
also    printed   in   H.    BARBER'S    British    Family  Names  (London  1903).     Most 
forms  are  incorporated  with  the  material  given  by  Searle.     We  have  chosen 
our    examples   from    the    lists    B  and  C,  it  being  fairly  certain  that  persons 
whose  names  are  recorded  there  were  mostly  English  by  birth. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  105 

cus  etc.  (<  ^Ethel-,  ^Ethe-  flced,  gyth,  -heard,  -weald,  -wulf,  -ric, 
Searle).  To  render  O.E.  #, .  a  sound  between  e  and  a,  the  Nor- 
mans used  their  own  symbols  e,  a,  as  well  as  O.E.  CB.  In  D.B. 
the  value  of  all  three  spellings,  is,  no  doubt,  (se).  Cf.  STOLZE,  p.  13. 

2.  The    interdental    spirant    is  lost.     There  are  no  certain 
examples    in    D.B.     Unequivocal    instances  are  offered,  however, 
by    spellings    like    JEelman,  2Eelric  (<  JEthelman  -ric\  on  coins, 
and    ^Eelmund,    Meltwine    (<  ^Ethelmund,    -wine)    from    charters, 
Searle.     Cf.  also  Aelwyn,  Ramsey  Ch.  <  ^Ethelwine,  and  Aelesme, 
Adeelme  <  ^Ethelhelm,  Gaimar,  v.  2411. 

3.  After  the  loss  of  the  interd.  spirant  aee  >  cei(e) :  Ailbold; 
Ailbriht;  Egilfride,  Aifride;  Ailiet;  jEileva,  Aileua,  Eileua;  Ailith; 
Ailardus;    Agelmarus,    jEilmar,    Eilmer,    Aimar;   Agelricus,  JEH-, 
Ail-,    Eilric;    Ailsi;    ^Egeluuardus,    Ageluuard,    Aielvert,    Ailvert, 
Ailuuard;  Ailof,  Aiolf  etc.  (<  ^Ethel-,  ^Ethe-  beald,  -beorht,  -frith, 
-geat,  gifu,   -gyth,  -heard,  -mcer,  -ric,  -sige,  -weard  -wulf).    Though 
some    of   these  instances  may  be  due  to  O.E.  cegel,  <$ge,  most  of 
them,  no  doubt,  represent  a  development  of  cepel,  cepe. 

In  records  of  a  more  recent  date  than  D.B.  we  note  that 
the  aefel-  names  so  frequent  in  O.E. l  rapidly  grow  less  in  num- 
ber. At  the  same  time  ail  becomes  more  usual  than  afel.  The 
old  forms  with  d  (adel)  subsist,  but  d  has,  no  doubt,  in  later 
records  mostly  the  value  of  (d).  Early  instances  (end  of  12th  and  13th 
cent.)  of  this  (d)  may  be  accounted  for  as  due  to  French  sound- 
substitution  2.  In  later  M.E.  the  possibility  of  English  sound- 
development  is  not  excluded  3.  Cf.  above  p.  97  ff. 

Some  instances  adduced  from  various  M.E.  sources  may 
serve  to  illustrate  the  mutual  frequency  of  athel,  adel,  ail  In 
the  Index  to  Ramsey  Ch.  (12  and  13  c.)  the  following  ortho- 
graphic variants  for  the  name  of  one  and  the  same  person  are 
noted:  -ZEthelwine,  Ealdorman  of  East  Angles,  Ethelivin,  Egeluuinus, 

1  In  Searle  they  fill  nearly  30  pages ;  then  comes  celf-with  23,  whereas 
eaM-only  takes  up  8,  ealh-  5  pages. 

2  Cf.  O.Fr.  Adelaide  <  Adalheid,  Lodier  <  Lofihari,  see  MACKEL,  p.  169. 
In  Gaimar  O.E.  cepel  nearly  always  appears  as  adal,  edel,  where  d,  no  doubt, 
has  the  value  of  (d).     Thus  RATHMANN,  p.  42. 

3  In  an  English  grammar  of  1701  there  is  a  warning  against  the  dia- 
lectal  (Somerset)    pron.    »Addleston>    for    »Athelston».     Cf.  FOKSTEE,  Anglia 
XXIV,  p.  116.     Here  > Addle- »,  no  doubt,  represents  the  dialectal  development 
fl  >  dl. 


106  R.  E.  Zachriseon 


in,  Ailwin;  ^Ethelwine  the  Black  or  Swerte,  Ailwine,  Eylwyn, 
Aelivyn;  ^theliiiaer  bishop  of  Elm  ham  <  Athelmar,  jEgelmcer,  Ailmar; 
^Ethelsige  8th  abbot  of  Ramsey,  sEgelsin,  JEgelsi,  Ailsi,  Ailsy, 
Eilsin,  Aelsi. 

In  vols.  3  and  4  of  the  F.A.  (1284—1431)  we  only  find 
the  following  instances  of  names  containing  O.E.  cepel:  Athelard, 
Athelwald;  Adelarde,  Adelwald;  Aylward,  Aylmer  *  Aymer  ,  Eyldrich. 

The  forms  in  adel,  ail  find  their  way  also  into  the  M.E. 
chronicles,  where  they  occur  side  by  side  with  the  original  ones. 
In  the  various  MSS.  of  R.GL,  v.  5705,  the  forms  Afelwold, 
Adelwold,  Adfelwold  (blending)  appear  for  one  and  the  same 
person.  ^Ethelbeorht  of  Kent  is  called  Aylbri^t,  v.  4741,  Ethel- 
red  II,  Aildred,  v.  6006.  Note  also  Adelbritf,  v.  5240,  adel- 
ston,  v.  5283.  In  R.Br.,  p.  46,  we  find  Eilred.  for  Ethelred,  cor- 
responding to  Eylrede,  Eldrede.  Langtoft  I,  p.  344. 

In  course  of  time  athel  was  superseded  by  adel  and  ail. 
Whereas  in  Bardsley's  Dictionary  of  Mod.  Engl.  surnames  seve- 
ral instances  of  adel  and  ail  are  noted,  not  a  single  example  of 
athel  is  to  be  found.  We  will  now  give  a  short  survey  of  the 
present  forms,  as  recorded  by  Bardsley,  followed  by  a  few  early 
references  mainly  from  the  Hundred  Rolls,  one  of  our  principal 
sources  of  M.E.  personal  names. 

1.  Adel. 

Adlin,  Adling,  BARDSLEY'S  Die.,  p.  41,  Edlin,  Edling  \  p.  266, 
Adelyne,  Edeline,  Atheline,  Adeline,  H.R.  <  O.E.  JEthelwine  (or 
possibly  cefeling). 

Adlard,  p.  40,  Adelard,  Athelard  2,  H.R.  <  O.E,  ^Ethelheard 
(or  possibly  JEtkelweard). 

2.  Ail. 

Aylen,  Ayling,  Aylin,  Aylwin,  p.  70,  Ayline,  Ailwine,  H.R. 
<  O.E.  jEthehvine  (or  possibly  Deling). 

1  Edel  for  Adel  may  be  due  to  (1)  dialectal  differences,  cf.  BULBKING 
§  91,  MORSBACH,  Mittelengl.  Gramm.,  p.  128  if.,  E.D.  Gr.  §  23;  (2)  another 
O.E.  ground-form,  viz.  epel  =  oipil,  Liber  Vitse. 

8  Athelard,  Atheline,  Athelston,  and  Athelem  <  ^Ethelhelm  are  the  only 
forms  with  th  in  the  H.R. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  107 

Aylrner,  Aymer,  Aymar,  p.  70,  Ailmar,  Aylmer,  Eylmer, 
H.R.  <  O.E.  jEtM-,  uflthemcer. 

Ayliffe,  Aylieff,  p.  70,  Ayljeva  (c.  1300),  Gl.  Recs.  <  O.E. 
Mthelgifu  or  jEthdwulf.  This  latter  is  certainly  the  source  of 
Eylof  (c.  1300),  Gl.  Recs.,  Ayloffe  (1500, 1698,  1702),  see  BARDSLEY. 

Aylett,  Ayllett,  Ayllot,  p.  70,  Ayllyth,  Ayllyht,  Aylet,  Aylede, 
Ailot,  H.R.,  no  doubt  <  O.E.  jEthelgyih  and  jEthdnoih  1. 

Aylward,  Aylard,  p.  70,  Aylward,  H.R.  <  O.E.  JEthelweard. 


b.     Confusion  of  cefel  with  cdf,  eald,  ealh. 

We  will  now  pass  on  to  the  second  question:  How  is  it 
that  afel  was  soon  confused  with  cdf,  eald,  ealh?  No  doubt  the 
reason  is  that  cefel  was  changed  into  eel.  Hence  names  like 
jEthelflced  and  JElflced,  were  at  once  levelled  under  the  same 
form,  and  this  must  have  been  the  case  with  many  others,  by 
the  loss  of  one  consonant  in  position  between  two  others  2.  This 
levelling,  which,  consequently,  was  phonetic  in  many  names  the 
second  element  of  which  commenced  with  a  consonant  (JEthel-, 
JElf-,  Ealhsige  etc.),  might  then  easily  be  analogically  extended 
to  those  in  which  the  second  element  commenced  with  a  vowel. 
We  must  also  bear  in  mind  that  owing  to  A.N.  influence  eel/, 
eald,  and  probably  also  ealh,  were  liable  to  lose  their  final  con- 
sonant independent  of  position  before  a  consonant  or  a  vowel. 
Cf.  felle  <  Engl.  /eld  in  D.B.,  STOLZE,  p.  41,  and  ol  <  o//  <  wulf 
instanced  by  such  D.B.  forms  as  Ardul  and  Ardulj,  Torul  and 
Torolf  etc.,  HILDEBRAND,  p.  350  3. 

Our  first  undoubted  instances  of  eel,  al  <  cepel  are  from 
D.B.  Though  such  name-forms  as  Alstan,  Alsige,  Alwine  etc., 


1  A    person,    who    in   Florence  of  Wo.  (Mon.  Brit.)  is  called  Dunstan, 
son  of  ^Ethelneth,  appears  in  Langtoft  I,  p.  396,  as  D.  fiz.  Ageleth,  correspon- 
ding   to    Agilet,    K.Br.     In    Aylet,    Allot  A.N.  t  is  substituted  for  English  th. 
The  loss  of  g,  n  after  /  may  also  be  due  to  French  influence. 

2  Such    a    loss    is    recorded    very    early:    uulsig  <  uulfsig;  seoluini  < 
seolhuini,  Liber  Vitse  (MtJLLER,  p.  28,  p.  34);  Ml&tanus  F,  A.S.  Chr.  ==  jElfstan 
D;  Alwold  ¥  =  mfwold  E.     Cf.  also  M.E.  halter  <  O.E.  hcel/ter. 

3  In  some  cases  cepel  is  levelled  under  eald  by  metathesis :  Audebert  < 
^Ethelberht,    Gaimar,  see  EATHMANN,  p.  54.     Cf.  also  O.F.  Maudebert  <  Mal- 
debcrt  <  Mctialbert,  MACKEL,  p.  169. 


108  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

D.B.,  may  be  due  to  the  corresponding  O.E.  compounds  in 
eald,  ealh  —  which,  besides,  frequently  occur  as  celf,  alf,  aid, 
aid,  alch,  alche  (cf.  Searle)  with  their  final  consonant  kept  - 
it  is,  on  the  other  hand,  a  matter  beyond  all  doubt  that  in 
many,  not  to  say  most  instances,  they  go  back  to  an  O.E. 
ground-form1  aefel.  In  the  Viet.  Hist,  of  Surrey  (see  the  Index 
to  D.B.  names)  we  are  expressly  told  that  Alfred,  D.B.,  is  iden- 
tical with  ^thelnoth  of  Canterbury.  Searle,  p.  66,  identifies 
Almar,  D.B.,  with  .ZEthelmser,  bishop  of  Elmham  (in  Ramsey  Ch. 
called  Ailmar  etc.,  cf.  above).  —  In  some  cases  we  have  established 
the  identity  by  comparing  the  nearly  contemporary  Exon  and 
Exchequer  versions  of  Dv.  D.B.  For  the  name  of  one  and 
the  same  person  we  have  found  the  following  alternative  spel- 
lings: Ailnod,  Exon  =  Alnod,  Excheq.;  Aimar  (<  tefe),  Exon  = 
Almar  (<  afel),  Excheq.;  Almar  (  <_ce])el\  Exon  —  JEdmter  (<  ce]>e), 
Excheq.;  Ailsi,  Exon  =  Alsi,  Excheq.;  Adestan,  Exon  =  Alestan, 
Excheq.  (often). 

It  still  remains  to  decide  how  aefel  has  been  changed  into 
eel.  This  transition  can  hardly  be  due  to  English  sound-change. 
According  to  several  authors,  there  should  have  existed  in  O.E. 
besides  afe  one  more  shortened  (pet-name)  form  of  cefel,  viz. 
(el,  which,  though  of  rare  occurrence  in  the  written  language, 
might  have  been  quite  usual  in  everyday  speech  *.  Nevertheless, 
as  in  the  records  eel  for  aefel  did  not  become  usual  until  the 
time  of  the  Conquest,  we  must  strongly  suspect  French  influence. 
Then  cd  may  have  originated  either  directly  from  O.E.  &fl,  with 
already  syncopated  e,  or  from  ceel,  with  later  syncopation  of  e,  another 
means  of  avoiding  the  hiatus.  This  is  indeed  the  regular 

development  of  O.F.  names  containing  Germanic  adal  etc.  Cf .  LONG- 
NON,  Polyptyque,  p.  277,  MACKEL,  p.  16,  p.  135,  and  such  D.B.  forms 
as  Matdger,  Maelger,  Malger  <  Madalger,  HILDEBRAND,  p.  353. 
In  this  place  we  may  add  that  to  account  for  Aaluf  in  the 
French  version  of  King  Horn  we  need  not  assume  with  Mors- 

1  Cf.  MULLER,  p.  4,  who  points  to  celberct,  Liber  Vitse,  as  one  instance ; 
Searle  has  a  few  more  references.  Some  instances  of  mal  <  madal,  al  < 
adal  are  also  explained  as  pet-name  forms  by  STAEK,  Die  Kosenamen,  p.  46, 
p.  49.  If  those  really  are  taken  from  original  MSS.  of  the  early  date  stated 
(7th  and  8th  cent.)  the  existence  of  al  as  a  pet-name  form  of  adal  must  be 
considered  as  proved. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  109 

bach  (p.  311)  an  O.E.  ground-form  Apalwulf.  AaluJ  may  be  due 
to  Aeluf  <  sEthelwulf,  with  subsequent  assimilation  of  ae  to  aa. 
For  similar  O.Fr.  instances  cf.  MACKEL,  p.  16,  p.  135. 

The  levelling  of  cefel  and  celf,  eald,  ealh  under  eel,  al  gives 
rise  to  great  orthographic  confusion.  In  MSS.  of  the  12th  and 
13th  cent,  old  and  new  forms  occur  promiscuously  for  the  name  of 
one  and  the  same  person.  This  state  of  things  may  be  illustrated  by 
some  instances  derived  from  various  sources.  jElfno]),  A.S.  Chr., 
sheriff  of  He.,  occurs  in  Florence  of  Wo.  (Mon.  Brit.)  as  Agelnofh. 
Cf.  Searle,  p.  45.  The  same  person  is  called  Elfgiva  in  Wil- 
liam of  Malmesbury,  and  ^Ethelgeovu  in  Florence  of  Wo.  Cf. 
Searle,  p.  38.  In  the  Inq.  El.  we  have  noted  the  following 

variants:  JElricus  =  JElfricus  =  Alricus;  Aljpinus  =  Alwinus  = 
^Iwinus;  Aluuold  =  cedelwold  —  alfwold.  -  -  ^Ethelwulf,  bishop  of 
Carlisle,  is  recorded  in  the  Fr.Ch.  as  Adelulf,  Adelolf,  Aelolf, 
Aldulf.  —  Ramsey  Chartulary,  so  rich  in  variants,  offers  some 
instances  of  alternative  forms  which  may  all  of  them  be  con- 
sidered as  developments  of  cefiel:  Ethelwin  =  Aihvin  =  Alwin, 
Ethelric  =  Etheric  =  Helric,  though,  on  the  other  hand,  the  con- 
fusion is  also  well  instanced:  Aylsi  =  Elsin  =  Alxi  (<  ealh), 
Aif win  =  Ailwine,  Athelwold  =  Alfwold,  Ailwin  =  Alfivine  = 
JElwyn,  Athelred  =  Ealdred  =  Ealriedus.  In  R.G1.  we  have 

noted  the  variants  adelstone,  aleston,  alcston,  v.  5233;  Elfled,  ib., 
v.  5428  and  Alfled,  v.  5474,  are,  according  to  Wright  (see  Index 
to  names),  identical  with  O.E.  JEfhelfleed.  -  -  Lastly  we  will  ad- 
duce a  few  instances  from  O.F.  chronicles:  Alestain,  Benoit, 
v.  1656  =  O.E.  JEthelstan\  Adellrict,  Gaimar,  v.  87  =  Albrict,  ib., 
v.  90,  Adlestan,  Elstan,  ib.,  v.  2259  =  Ealhstan,  A.S.  Chr.,  Adelher, 
AlJcer,  ib.,  v.  2498  =  Ealhere,  A.S.  Chr.;  Eldres  d' Engletierre, 
Mousket,  v.  15254,  Eldre:  De,  ib.,  v.  16508  =  King  Ethelred; 
Aired,  Rou,  v.  260,  Milred,  ib.,  v.  1255  =  King  Ethelred  II.; 
Eifrid,  Wace,  corresponding  to  ^Edilfrid,  Bede,  according  to 
MADDEN,  La3amon  III,  p.  422. 

Present  English  surnames  still  preserve  some  traces  of  the 
old  forms  in  al  <  cefel  etc.  The  following  examples  are  taken 
from  Bardsley's  Dictionary.  Also  here  we  have  added  some 
references  from  the  H.R. 

Aldrich,  p.  45,  AMrich,  H.R.  <  O.E.  Mlhelric  etc. 

All-,  Albright,  p.  47,  Albert,  H.R.  <  O.E.  JEthelbeorU. 


110  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

Allnutt,  p.  49,  Alnath,  H.E.  <  O.E.  •  JEihelnofh;  t  is  due  to 
French  sound-substitution. 

Elmer,  Elmar  \  p.  271,  Elmer  (1284),  K.Q.  <  O.E.  ^Eth- 
elmcer. 

Allard,  Allardson,  Ellard,  p.  47,  p.  269,  Alward,  Elward, 
H.R.,  Alardus,  T.N.,  Alard,  F.A.  <  O.E.  jEtlielweard. 

Alwin,  Alwine,  Alwyne,  Elwin,  Elwyn,  p.. 70,  p.  273,  Alwine, 
Elwin,  H.R.  <  O.E.  JttMwine. 

If  eZ,  al  in  the  above-mentioned  instances  is  due  to  original 
cefel  or  celf,  eald<  ealh  cannot  be  definitely  settled. 

Our  conclusions  as  regards  the  development  of  cefel  may 
be  summed  up  as  follows.  At  the  end  of  the  llth  cent.  O.E. 
cefel  assumes  four  different  forms: 

1.  Original    cefel    with    the  interdental  spirant  kept.     This 
purely    English    form    exists    throughout  M.E.  times.     From  the 
middle   of  the  12th  cent,  or  somewhat  earlier  a  form  appears  in 
d   (=  the    dental    stop),    probably   due   to   the   combined   effects 
of  A.N.  sound -substitution  and  English  sound-development.    Con- 
trary   to   the    fate   of  cepel,  this  form  is  still  kept  in  the  present 
English  surnames. 

2.  ceel  with  loss  of  f  owing  to  A.N.  sound-change,    ceel  may 
be    considered    as    a    transitional    form    of    short  duration.     The 
Normans  were  not  very  partial  to  the  combination  ceel.    Various 
means    were    used    to    get    rid  of  the  hiatus  which  had  resulted 
from  the  dropping  of  f. 

3.  ceil,  no  doubt,  a  further  A.N.  development  of  ceel.   Hiatus 
was    avoided    by    turning  cee  into  cei.     This  form  seems  to  have 
been  the  most  popular  one  in  M.E.,  and  as  ail  or  el  it  has  been 
preserved  to  this  day  in  various  English  surnames. 

4.  eel,  either  due  to  an  O.E.  shortened  form  of  cefel,  which, 
though  very   rarely  recorded,  may  have  been  usual  in  everyday- 
speech,  or  what  is  more  likely,  another  A.N.  development  of  ceel. 
Hiatus    was    here    avoided  by  dropping  e.     Present  English  sur- 
names preserve  some  traces  also  of  this  form. 


1  As  to  el  by  the  side  of  al,  cf.  our  previous  remark  on  adel,  edeL 
d  may  also  have  arisen  from  ail  either  by  A.N.  monophthongizing  (cf. 
M.E.  frele  =  N.E.  >frail»)  or  by  shortening  in  English  itself  after  the  transition 
of  ai  >  . 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  111 

The  development  may  be  illustrated  by  the  following  table. 

^»7i  7  -.  (a   M  T?  ^  J  ^hel,  ethel  (now  lost). 
<epa      (e.  M.JM  |  ^^  c^  >          }  ^  ^ 


O.E  <£/>eZ  >  (end 
of  lithe.) 


6e?  >  (e.  M.E.)  |  ^?' 

lltnc-)         l^Z>(e.M.E.&N.E. 

\ 


ceel  >  (end  of 


2.     cefel  in  place-names. 

After  this  somewhat  detailed  discussion  of  the  development 
of  O,E.  cefel  in  personal  names  we  may  pass  on  to  place-names 
containing  cefiel,  the  various  forms  of  which  will  be  easily  under- 
stood after  the  foregoing  investigation. 

We  have  divided  our  material  into  two  groups,  according 
to  the  greater  or  less  degree  of  certainty  with  which  the  etymo- 
logy may  be  established. 


a.     Place-names  which  to  judge  by  old  forms  on  record 
contained  O.E.  tffel. 

a.     The  present  forms  exhibit  th. 

1.  Athelhampton  (Do.),  pron.  »Athelton»,  Hope;  called  Athelhamstone 
in  Index  Villarum  (1668),  Athel  Hampton  on  the  map  in  Camden.  2.  Athel- 
ney  (8m.),  pron.  (aedelni),  Tanger  <  O.E.  JEpelinga  eigg,  -ig,  A.S.  Chron., 
JEthelinga  ege,  Kemble.  3.  Atherstone  (Sm.)  pron.  (sedastan),  Tanger  <  O.E. 
jEthelheard,  Searle.  4.  Athelington  (8f.),  pron.  »Allington>,  Hope,  <  O.E, 
cepeling. 

D.B.     Adelingiz,    Adelingensis2 .     Geld.  Inq.     Adelingeres*  (1086). 
13th  c.  —  Athelney  Beg.     Alardeston*  (1225),  Athelardeston*  (1251).     O.B. 

IPideV  athelamston1  (79—88).  Ch.B.  Athdingeneye*  (1267).  Muchel- 
ney  and  Athelney  Ch.     Athelingeny*  (1254),  Athelney*,  Alynge- 
nie"*.     Sm.  K.Q.     Athelnigg*,    Aveingleye2,   Alegine*,  Athelingleye*, 
Aling'2.     Sm.  S.B.    Athelarstone*  (1272).    Sf.  P.F.    Atliton*  (1202\ 
Allingeton*  (1218),  Athelinton*  (1234),  Athelington*  (1254). 
4th  c.  —  F.A.     Alhelhameston1,    Athelmanstone* ,  Athelardeston*  (1303),  Ade- 
lardeston*  (1346).    P.R.     Athelney^  (99—1401).     Sm.  N.V.    Athel- 
ynge*  (1316).  Sm.  P.F.  Athelardeston*.  Sf.  P.F.  Allington4.  Sf.S.B. 
Ayllington*  (1327). 
15th  c.  -  Index.     Alyngton4  (1477).     P.B.     Athelney*  (67—77). 


112  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

P.     The  present  forms  exhibit  d. 

1 .  Admington  (Gl.)  <  O.E.  Mihdm  or  ^Ethelhelm,  Searle.  2.  Adling- 
ton  (La.)  <  O.E.  cepeling  or  JEihelwine,  Searle.  3.  Edlington  (Li.)  <  O.E. 
cppeling.  4.  Adlingfleet  (Yo.)  <  O.E.  cepeling.  5.  Edlington  (Yo.)  <  O.E. 
apeling. 

D.B.     Edelmintone1,    Ellingetone*,  Tedlintune,3,  Adelengesfluet',  El- 

lintone5. 

12th  c.  —  Index.     Hedlingt*  (1170),  Adelingfleoth*  (1154). 
13th  c.  —  Ch.B.     Adilmington1  1,  Edlinton*  I,  Edelington*  II,  AdlingflePTL. 

H.B.     Edeling-,    Edlington5.     Index.     Edelineton*   (1297).     La. 

P.F.     Adelvinton*  (1202).     T.N.     Edlington*.    Yo.  I.P.M.     Athe- 

lingflet*  (1274). 
1  4th  c.  —  P.A.     Adelminton1,  Edelington*.   Index.   Athelyngflet*  (1366).  Yo. 

N.V.     Adthelingflet*,  Edelington5. 
1  5th  c.  —  P.B.     Adlyngflete4'  (67—77). 

7.     The  present  forms  exhibit  al,  el. 

1.  Allington  (Do.)<  O.E.  cupeling.  2.  Ellingham  (Ha.)  <  O.E.  cepe- 
ling.  3.  Elton  (Hu.)  <  O.E.  cepeling.  4.  Aloes  Bridge  Hundred  (Ke.)  < 
JEthelwulf,  Searle.  5.  Allexton  (Le.)?  <  O.E.  *JEiheloc  or  Heafiulac,  Searle. 
6.  Allington  (Li.)  <  O.E.  wpeling.  7.  Ellerton  (Sh.)  <  O.E.  JEfelheard, 
Searle.  8.  Albrighton  (Sh.)  <  Jtthelbeorht,  Searle.  9.  Albrightlee  (Sh.)  < 
O.E.  jEthelbeorht,  Searle.  1 0.  Ellaston  (St.),  cf .  Allexton  (Le.).  1 1 .  Allington 
(Wl.)  <  O.E.  adding. 

D.B.  Adelingtone1,  Adding eliam?,  Adelintune*,  Adelovesbrige*,  Adi- 
lovtesbrige*,  Adelachestone5,  Adelingetone*,  Adelinctune6,  Etbritone*, 
Albricstone*,  Etbretclie9,  Edelache-,  Elachestone10,  Adeling-,  Allen-, 
Alentone11. 

1  2th  c.  —  Fr.Ch.  Alinge-,  Elingueham*.  Index.  Halak.^  Alakestona5.  Le.S. 
Adelactone6. 

1  3th  c.  —  Ch.B.  Albrichton*  I,  Edbrittleg9,  Aling-,  AIU-,  Aleton11.  P.A. 
Athelinglone1  (1284),  Aluffesbrogg*,  (1284),  Ethelarton"1  (1284),  Al- 
bricton*.  H.B.  Aylingtone*,  Alingtone8  Adlig-,  Alinton*,  Albriton*, 
Alington11.  I.P.M.  Harthelakeston*  (Hen.  III.).  P.B.  Atheloxton* 
(72—81).  Bamsey  Ch.  sEthelyngtone*,  Hathelintone\  Athelinton*, 
Adelyngtona6,  Adelingtune* ,  Ayllingtone*  (1251),  Ailingtona*  Aylin- 
tone*  (1244),  Alitona*.  T.N.  Ali'geton1,  Alin-,  Alington*,  Albrit- 
fon8,  Attrition*,  Adlac-,  Adlas-,  Adthelaxton10,  Alingeton11. 

I4thc.  —  C.B.  Athelocston*  (13— 18).  Cat.  A.D.  Aylington*  (1316).  P.A. 
Elyngham*  (1316,  46),  Aillington*  (1316),  Aloluesbrigge*  (1316), 
Aloucsbregg*  (1346),  Adlington*  (1316),  Alyngton*  (1303,  46),  Al- 
bryghton*  (1316).  Index.  Alyngton*  (1392). 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names 


113 


15th  c.  —  F.A.    Athelington1  (1428),  Elyngham*  (1428),  Aylington3,  Adelokston5 

(1428).     I.P.M.     Adloxton*  (Hen.  VII.). 
16th  c.  —  Index.     Aylyngton3  al.  Aileton3  (1517). 


b.     Place-names  which,  though  no  old  forms  with  th,  d  are  on 
record,  in  all  probability  contained  O.E.  cefel. 

a.     The  present  forms  exhibit  ai(l). 

1.  Aylscot  (Dv.)  <  O.E.  Mthelwulf,  Searle.  2.  Aylsford  (Dv.)  <  O.E. 
JSthehvulf,  Searle.  3.  Aylburton  (Ql.)  <  O.E.  ^Ethelbeorht,  Searle.  4.  Aymes- 
trey  (He.)  <  O.E.  ^Ethelmund,  Searle.  5.  Aylmerton  (Nf.)  <  O.E.  ^Ethelmcer, 
.Searle. 

D.B.     Ailevescota1,  Exon,  Eilevescote1,  Excheq.,  Ailavesfort* ',  Exon, 

Ellaves/ord? ,  Excheq.,  Almartune5. 
1 3th  c.  —  C.B.     Albrithton3  (79—88).  Ch.B.  Ailbricton*  (1224),  cf.  corrigenda 

in    vol.    II.,    Aylmerton*   (1281).     F.A.     Ayberton3   (1284).     H.B. 

Albricton3,  Ailm'eton5.     T.N.     Albricton3,  Elbrichtonas. 
14th  c.  —  C.B.     Aylmerston5    (18—23).     F.A.     Ales-,    Alscote1,    Aylesford\ 

Ailberton3    (1303),  Aylfo-izton*,  Aiberrton3  (1316),  Ayiverton*  (1346), 

Aylmondestre*  (1303,  46),  Aylmerton5  (1316). 
15th  c.  —  F.A.     Ailberton3   (1402).     I.P.M.     Aylemertori*  (Hen.  VII.).     P.B. 

Aywarton3  (61—67). 


(3.     The  present  forms  exhibit  a(l),  e(l). 

1 .  Arlsey  (Bd.)  <  O.E.  JSbhelric,  Searle.  2.  Elvaston  (Db.)  <  O.E. 
JEthelweald,  Searle.  3.  Alveley  (Es.)  <  O.E.  ^EUelgifu,  Searle.  4.  Elberton  (Gl.) 
<  jEthelbeorht,  Searle.  5.  Elmston  (Gl.)  <  O.E.  ^Epelmund,  Searle.  6.  Elms- 
tree  (Gl.)  <  O.E.  JEthelmtind,  Searle.  7.  Abbotsley  (Hu.)  <  O.E.  ^Ethelbeald, 
:Searle.  8.  Allington  Hundred  (Ke.),  called  Elnothington  in  LAEKING'S  D.B. 
of  Kent  <  O.E.  JEthelnoth,  Searle.  9.  Elmsthorpe  (Le.)  <  O.E.  ^thelmcer, 
Searle.  1  O.  Aldrebury  Hundred  (Wl.)  <  O.E.  ^Ethelweard,  Searle. 

D.B.  Alricesc-ia1 ,  Alevvoldestune\  j<Elvvoldestune* ,  Eldbertone*,  Al- 
mundestan5,  Alnoitune*,  Alwarberie10. 

.2th  c.  —  Fr.Ch.     Aelivaleio3,  Aliuelia3.     Index.     Aluualdestona*. 

.3th  c.  —  Ch.B.  Ailricheseye1  I,  Alverycheseye1  II.  F.A.  Aylmerthorpe9 
(1284).  Gl.  Bees.  Ayl-,  Almundeston*  (1240).  H.B.  Aylwarde-, 
Alwardebyr10.  Index.  Ailricheseya1  (1206),  Alrichesheye1  (1251), 
Haurich1  (1255),  Arlicheseie1  (Hen.  III.),  Alwaston2  (1282),  Elmun- 
destruo*  (1201),  Ailmundestre6,  (1212).  Bamsey  Ch.  Alboldesle1, 
Albodesleye1,  Aylboldelle1 ,  Addeboldesleye1 .  T.N.  Alwaldes-,  Alval- 
deston2,  Aywaldeston2,  Eylnothynton*,  Altcarebir™,  Alwardebur™. 

8 


114  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

14th  c.  —  F.A.    Alwaston*,  Aylwaxton*,  Aylberton*  (1303),  Aylbryghton*  (1346),. 

Eylnothinton*  (1346).   Index.    Arlechy*  (1386),  Ayllewaston*  (1322). 

P.R.     Ail-,  Aylwaston*  (77—81). 
1 5th  c.  —  P.A.     Aylmerthorpe9  (1428).  G-l.  Bees.  Ayleberton4-  (1437).  Index. 

Arlichesey1  (1402),  Erleshey1  (1438). 

No  doubt,  the  majority  of  instances  brought  together  in 
list  b  represent  developments  of  original  <epel.  A  few  criteria 
may  be  pointed  out.  If  the  second  element  of  the  name  con- 
tains -mund,  celf  cannot  well  be  contained  in  the  first,  no  O.E. 
*JElfmund  being  recorded.  If  early  spellings  exist  in  al,  as  well 
as  ail,  which,  indeed,  is  the  case  with  the  majority  of  our  exam- 
ples, this  seems  to  point  to  original  cefiel.  Cf.  the  early  forms 
of  a  Hundred  in  Np.  now  lost:  Egelweardesle  (1076),  Geld.  Inq.; 
Alwardeslea,  D.B.;  Aylwoldesle,  Np.S.,  no  doubt  <  O.E.  ^Ethelweard, 
Searle. 

As  we  have  been  unable  to  ascertain  the  modern  pronun- 
ciation, except  in  a  very  small  number  of  cases,  we  have  classi- 
fied our  material  according  to  the  present  spelling,  though  we 
are  quite  aware  of  some  incongruities  having  resulted  from  this 
arrangement.  Thus  Athelington  (Sf.),  pron.  »Allington»,  Hope, 
would  perhaps  better  have  been  placed  with  the  examples  in 
list  a  Y,  Elton  (Hu.)  and  others,  in  which  e/,  in  all  probability, 
is  due  to  earlier  ail,  with  those  in  b  a  etc. 

As  to  the  explanation  of  old  and  modern  forms  we  need 
not  add  much  to  what  has  been  said  already.  All  the  develop- 
ments we  have  found  in  personal  names  compounded  with  aefet 
are  represented  also  here.  Original  (ct)  is  still  pronounced  only 
in  Athelney,  Athelhampton,  and  Atherstone  (a  a).  More  usual  is 
adel,  but  whether  the  d  is  due  to  French  sound-substitution  or 
English  sound-development  cannot  well  be  decided  in  every 
special  case.  Undoubted  instances  of  ail  are  few,  but  their 
number  will  swell  considerably  if  we  add  the  numerous  forms  in 
el,  which  often  go  back  to  earlier  ail.  Here  may  belong  Elton 
(Hu.),  (a  7),  Elberton  (GL),  Elmston  (GL),  Elmstree  (GL),  Elms- 
thorpe  (Le.)  (b  p).  at  and  el  are  astonishingly  well  represented. 
It  may  be  pointed  out  that  to  O.E.  cepeling  corresponded  O.Fr. 
edelin,  edeling,  elin  (Godefroy).  Note  that  with  reference  to  the 
same  place,  Elton  (Hu.)  (a  7),  all  four  forms  afel,  add,  ayl,  al 
occur  in  13th  cent,  spellings  iu  Ramsey  Ch. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  115 

Appendix  A.     Various  ways  of  rendering  ({>),  (a)  in  early 
English  and  Anglo-Norman  MSS.  - 

As  to  the  various  ways  of  rendering  (h),  (d)  in  A.N.  texts, 
we  find  above  all  d,  which,  of  course,  is  the  historic  spelling. 
Finally  there  is  an  interchange  of  t  and  d  =  (h),  (d). l  Of  more 
scarce  occurrence  are  the  symbols  p,  cT,  which,  naturally,  must 
have  been  borrowed  from  English.  Cf.  MENGER,  p.  39;  VARN- 
HAGEN,  Zeitschrift  fur  Rom.  Phil.  X,  p.  296  ff.  Lastly,  we  also 
find  th  and  dh. 

th  as  an  orthographic  symbol  was  well  known  in  O.F., 
where  it  was  employed  particularly  in  learned  Latin  words. 
Alternating  with  t  it  was  also  used  to  render  Germanic  (J>)  in  proper 
names.  Cf.  SWEET,  H.E.S.  §  600;  WALTEMATH,  p.  56.  Thus 
used,  it  had  certainly  in  both  cases  the  value  of  (t).  Now  we 
may  very  well  ask:  how  came  th  to  be  used  in  order  to  denote 
(J)),  (3)?  GASTON  PARIS  in  his  Introduction  to  Alexis,  p.  95, 
assumes  that  the  Normans  borrowed  it  from  English.  This  sug- 
gestion leads  us  to  examine  the  various  ways  in  which  the 
interdental  spirant  was  rendered  in  O.E.  and  early  M.E.  MSS. 

On  this  point  SWEET,  H.E.S.  §  516,  gives  the  following  in- 
formation: »f  is  generally  denoted  by  the  Latin  th  in  the 
oldest  mss,  especially  initially  and  finally,  which  th  is  sometimes 


1  A  few  times  intervocalic  (d)  is,  curiously  enough,  rendered  by  t: 
Porlemute,  Exch.  D.B.,  Porlemuta,  Exon  D.B.  (see  list  A);  Bute,  D.B.  (see  F  1); 
Smethedune,  Smetedune,  D.B.  =  Sinithdon  (Nf.)  <  O.E.  smefe}  etc.  It  is  not 
impossible  that  intervocalic  t  for  d  is  often  due  to  mere  carelessness.  Finally 
there  was  a  regular  interchange  of  t  and  d  —  not  only  of  £,  d  =  (J>),  (d), 
but  also  of  t,  d  =  (t)  —  and  by  thoughtlessness  this  interchange  may  have 
been  graphically  transferred  to  other  positions.  But  there  is  another  possi- 
bility which  must  also  be  taken  into  account.  We  know  that  in  O.F.  Latin 
t  and  d  under  certain  circumstances  were  changed  to  spirants,  and  subse- 
quently lost.  Nevertheless,  the  French  scribes  —  to  whom  the  etymological 
ground-forms  not  only  of  many  Latin  words,  but  also  of  a  great  many  Ger- 
manic personal  names  and  place-names  were  well  known  -  -  when  they 
wrote  in  Latin  endeavoured  to  keep  t  and  d  etymologically  apart,  which, 
naturally,  often  caused  one  to  be  put  for  the  other.  That  this  really  was  the 
case  is  clearly  seen  from  the  early  spellings  of  several  places  in  Normandy. 
Thus  Tosny  (Eure)  occurs  in  the  12th  cent,  both  as  Totteneium  and  Todi- 
niacum.  All  other  forms  exhibit  loss  of  the  dental.  See  Die.  Topogr. 
de  1'Eure. 


116  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

abbreviated  to  t  (Ep.GL).  Medial  p  is  often  denoted  by  d,  which 
also  occurs  finally,  and  even  initially  (Ep.GL).  The  Runic  p  is 
rare  in  Ep.,  as  also  ft.  Ep.  has  once  dh\  also  ph,  fth  occur 
(blendings).  In  the  later  Anglian  texts  ft  is  universal,  as  also  in 
most  of  the  oldest  W.S.  and  Kt.  mss.  In  some  early  W.S.  mss 
p,  however,  predominates. »  So  far  Sweet;  we  have,  besides, 
ascertained  that,  though  more  seldom,  d  occurs  by  the  side  of 
p,  ft  in  the  following  texts :  Liber  Vitse  of  Du.  (8th  c.),  cf .  MILLER 
(Palaestra  IX),  p.  29;  Vesp.  Ps.  (9th  c.),  also  a  for  d,  cf.  SWEET, 
O.E.T.,  p.  187;  Kit.  of  Du.  (10th  c.),  cf.  LINDELOF,  p.  67;  Gospel 
of  St.  Mark  (Rushworth  MS.  10th  c.),  also  It  for  d,  cf.  Miss  LE^ 
(Anglia  XVI),  p.  125,  p.  127;  Rule  of  S.  Benet  (c.  1020),  also  & 
for  d,  LOGEMAN,  p.  LII  f.  Also  in  several  e.  M.E.  texts  d  occurs 
for  <f,  and  vice-versa.  Cf.  BEKBERICH,  Herb.  Apul.,  p.  9;  LUCHT, 
La3amon,  p.  65. 

The  result  of  our  examination  is  that,  though  p,  ft  is  the 
most  usual  way  of  denoting  the  interdental  spirant  in  O.E.  and 
early  M.E.  MSS.,  also  d  occurs  sporadically  all  through.  Besides, 
th  has  been  noted  not  unfrequently,  particularly  in  names,  where 
it  certainly  had  the  value  of  (]}),  (d).  When  used  in  A.N.  MSS. 
to  denote  the  interdental  spirant,  th  may,  consequently,  very  well 
have  been  borrowed  from  English. 

Appendix  B.     Orthographic  confusion  between  the 
symbols  d  and  i,  g  in  the  diphthong  ei,  ai  etc.  - 

When  for  the  same  place  in  MSS.  of  about  the  same  time 
or  even  in  the  very  same  MSS.  we  find  such  alternative  forms 
as  Lachinchede,  Lagingehee,  Lachingeia,  Saltrede,  Saltreye  (see  list 
D  1,  2)  it  goes  without  saying  that  spellings  like  -hede,  -rede 
could  indicate  three  different  pronunciations :  he&e,  hee,  heie;  refte, 
ree,  reie.  Hence  it  follows  that  on  the  one  hand  d  could  some- 
times be  inserted  between  two  wowels  in  words  where  it  was 
not  etymologically  justified,  while  on  the  other  the  notion  might 
easily  be  entertained  that  in  spellings  like  -hede,  -rede  d  really 
denoted  the  glide  (j).  Consequently,  as  -ede  was  equal  to  >ee,  -eie 
C  O.E.  -epe,  we  also,  conversely,  find  -ede  for  O.E.  -eie,  -ege- 
Thus  Eastry  (Ke.)  appears  in  D.B.  as  Estrede,  Estrea,  Estrd. 
O.E.  forms  of  this  place  are  Eastrege,  Eastorege,  Easterge,  Kemble 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names 


11? 


153,  191,  195,  Eosterege  (a.  811),  Index,  so  the  suffix  obviously 
contains  O.E.  eg,  Mdf.  p.  49.  —  Swavesey  (Cb.),  Svavesye,  Svavesy, 
D.B.,  Suauiseye  (1260),  P.F.,  Swavesey e  (1346),  F.A.,  is  derived 
by  SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns.  of  Cb.,  p.  54,  from  an  O.E.  *Swcefeseg,  -ig. 
The  forms  Suauesheda,  I.C.C.,  which  has  escaped  his  attention, 
is  to  be  explained  in  the  same  way  as  Estrede,  D.B. 

Other  instances  of  d  for  i,  g,  in  the  diphthong  ei,  ai,  are 
Cuselade,  Crucheslaga,  D.B.  =  Whixley  (Yo.),  Quixelay,  T.N., 
Quixley,  H.R.,  Whixeley  (1307—13),  C.R.;  Trulleda,  Trullea,  Thru- 
lege,  Fr.Ch.  =  Throwley  (Ke.),  Thruleghe,  Thurlegh,  F.A.;  JacJceslada, 
JaUe,  Ch.R.  I  =  Yaxley  (Hu.),  Jdkele,  H.R.  The  second  element 
of  all  these  three  places  is  O.E.  leah,  leage.  Also  in  such  forms 
as  Ledecestre,  D.B.,  Lefeccestre  (1124),  A.S.  Chr.  E  =  Leicester 
(Le.),  Legra-,  Ligraceaster,  A.S.  Chr.  B,  D,  E.,  d,  f,  in  all  proba- 
bility, stand  for  i,  g.  Loss  of  r  before  the  following  consonant 
—  which,  moreover,  is  very  usual  in  A.N.  -  -  may  here  be  due 
to  dissimilation;  another  possibility  is  confusion  with  Legeceaster, 
A.S.  Chr.  =  Chester  (Ch.),  of  which  also  a  form  with  unetymo- 
logical  r  appears  in  the  A.S.  Chr.,  viz.  Legercyestre,  MS.  a.  A 
second  example  of  d  for  g  in  the  A.S.  Chr.  is  Widrecestrescir  E 
=  Wigrecestrescir,  ib. 

The  opposite  phenomenon,  g  for  d,  we  have  also  noted 
in  a  few  cases.  Nether  Avon  (Wl.)  occurs  in  D.B.  as  Nigravre, 
which  spelling  has  been  interpreted  »nigrum  arvum»  by  JONES 
in  his  D.B.  of  Wl.  In  our  opinion  Nigravre  stands  for  Nidravre 
<  O.E.  niperavene  (in  the  Fr.Ch.  the  place  is  called  Nideravena), 
with  g  for  d  and  transition  of  n  to  r.  Cf.  O.Fr.  havre  <  Germ. 
htefene  (Korting).  -  Stevenage  (Ht.)  is  called  Stigenace  in  D.B. 
Other  early  spellings  are  Stichencece,  Kemble  178,  corrected  to 
Stithencece  by  Thorpe,  Stidenach  (John),  Rotuli  Curise  Regis.  With 
some  hesitation  SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns!  of  Ht.,  p.  66,  derives  the  name 
of  the  place  from  the  O.E.  formula  cet  fare  stifan  hcecce,  but 
Ids  that  g  in  D.B.  seems  to  point  to  Stichen-.  The  supposi- 
ion  that  g  stands  for  d  at  once  solves  every  difficulty.  Later 
>rrns  Steben-,  Steven-,  Stiven-  exemplify  the  sporadic  transition 
)f  eT>  v\  then  popular  etymology  may  have  connected  the  first 
element  of  the  word  with  the  usual  Norman  name  Stephen.  - 
A  third  example  of  g  for  d  is  Sichemug,  Fr.Ch.  =  Sidmouth  (Dv.). 


118  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

Appendix  0.    Loose  s  between  two  place-name 
compounds.  - 

That  in  Chelsea  (Mi.)  <  O.E.  Ccelic  hyp,  Earle  (see  list  D  2) 
etymological  (t/)  has  been  replaced  by  s  is  perhaps  best  explained 
thus:  an  inorganic  s  has  been  inserted  between  the  two  com- 
pounds Chelch-  and  -ey  (<  -heth),  whereupon  (£/)  was  lost  before 
,9:  *Chelchey  (<  Chelcheth)  >  *Chelchsey  >  Chellsaye.  A  similar 
development  has  taken  place  in  the  following  place-names:  Arlsey 
(Bd.),  Ailricheseya  (1206),  Arlechy  (1386),  Index  <  O.E.  ^Ethelric, 
Searle;  Hildersham  (Cb.),  Hildricesham,  D.B.,  Hildrichesham,  I.C.C. 
< 'O.E.  Hilderic,  Searle;  Aldersgate  (London),  Aldrichgate  (1428), 
F.A.?  <  O.E.  Ealdric,  Searle;  Gothersley  (St.),  Godrichesky,  Gode- 
richeley  (14  c.),  see  DUIGNAN,  St.  Pl.Ns.,  p.  69  <  O.E.  Godric, 
Searle;  Atherstone  (Wa.),  Adericheston,  T.N.,  Edriceston,  R.B., 
Atherestone,  H.R.  Cf.  also  e.  N.E.  voutsafe  <  vouchsafe  (see  HORN, 
Gramm.  §  220  Anm.  2),  where,  however,  the  assimilation  has 
not  been  fully  carried  out. 

The  uncertainty  as  to  the  use  of  s  in  the  old  forms  of  the 
above-mentioned  places  is  noteworthy.  In  the  following  two  place- 
names  the  forms  with  s  have  been  kept  in  the  local  pron.,  whereas 
the  present  spelling  presupposes  loss  of  s  and  change  of  (t/)  to  (d3): 
Idridgehay  (Db.),  pron.  »Ithersea»,  Hope,  Iddersey  (1574),  Index, 
Edrichey  (1638)  ib.  <  O.E.  Eadric,  Searle;  Sawbridgeworth  (Ht.), 
pron.  (ssepsa)  <  O.E.  * Scelerhteswyr]),  cf.  Introduction,  p.  7. 

Indeed,  in  numerous  instances  from  our  earliest  sources 
there  appears  on  the  one  hand  an  inorganic  s  between  the  two 
compounds  of  a  place-name,  while  on  the  other  s  is  often  omit- 
ted in  the  same  position,  not  only  when  it  is  a  mark  of  the  geni- 
tive, but  also  when  it  forms  part  of  the  word-stem  itself.  We 
will  content  ourselves  with  adducing  the  following  instances  of 
this  very  usual  phenomenon:  Cheretowe  (1402),  Index  =  Church- 
stow  (Dv.)  <  O.E.  stow\  Hechesburne,  Echeburne,  D.B.  =  Exbourne 
(Dv.),  Ekes-,  Ekysburn,  F.A.;  Boystok,  Boytok,  T.N.  =  Bystock 
(Dv.),  Boystok  (1303),  F.A.;  Borchetelle,  D.B.  =  Borstall  (Ke.)  < 
O.E.  borgsteal,  Mdf.,  p.  16;  Kate-,  Katesby,  H.R,,  Gate-,  Catesby, 
F.A.  =  Cadeby  (Li.);  Cnichtebrugge  (Hen.  III.),  Index  =  Knights- 
bridge  (London)  <  O.E.  cniht-  Harningsey  (Edw.  VI.),  Mi.F.F., 
Harengey  (1316),  F.A.  =  Hornsey  (Mi.);  Smethe-,  Smethes-,  Smes- 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  119 

don,  H.R.  =  Smithdon  (Nf.)  <  O.E.  smepe-  Eincsteda,  Eincteda, 
D.B.  =  Ringstead  (Nf.)  <  O.E.  stede;  Withesfeld  (1150),  In- 
dex =  Whitfield  (Np.)  <  O.E.  }iwlt\  Winemereslea,  Wimeres-, 
Wimerleu,  D.B.  =  Wimersley  Hundred  (Np.)  <  O.E.  Winemcer, 
Searle;  Clailei,  Claislea,  D.B.  =  Cleley  Hundred  (Np.),  Klegele, 
Geld.  Inq.  <  O.E.  dag;  Torlaston,  Torlaxton,  F.A.,  Torlaton 
(1539),  Nt.  Recs.  =  Tollerton  (Nt.);  Timbrecumbe,  D.B.,  Tymbercome 
{1384),  Index  =  Tirnberscombe  (Sm.);  Frodeley  (1305),  Index, 
Fodresleye  (1262)  =  Fradley  (St.).  Cf.  O.E.  Frod,  Froda,  Searle. 
According  to  Hope,  Alnmouth  (Nb.),  at  the  moutb  of  the  Aln, 
is  dialectally  pronounced  »Aylesmouth».  WESTPHAL,  p.  19,  p.  33,  has 
noted  several  instances  from  O.Fr.  texts:  Banesburc  <  Bcebbanburh, 
Everswic  <  Eoferwic,  Lichesfeld  <  Licetfeld  etc. 

The  appearance  or  non-appearance  of  s  in  the  examples 
tibove  has  probably  no  connection  whatever  with  the  instances  of 
loss  or  addition  of  an  unetymological  s  caused  by  A.N.  influence 
which  are  discussed  in  §  5.  In  the  present  case  we  have,  no 
doubt,  to  do  with  a  kind  of  analogical  transformation.  The  mere 
circumstance  that  of  a  great  many  O.E.  personal  names  frequently 
used  as  the  first  element  of  place-names  there  existed  two  forms 
of  the  genitive,  one  with  s,  another  without  (Frodes  —  Frodan, 
Haddes  —  Haddan,  Lulles  —  Lullan  etc.)  may  easily  have  led 
to  confusion  and  uncertainty  as  to  the  use  of  s  between  two 
place-name  compounds  in  general.  Thus  Wimerleu  for  *Wimers- 
leu  (<  O.E.  *Winemareskak),  Smethesdon  for  Smethedon  (<  O.E. 
*Smef)edun)  on  the  analogy  of  Frodeley,  Frodesleye  (<  O.E.  * Fro- 
dan-, *Frodesleage}. 

When  establishing  the  etymology  of  place-names  on  the 
evidence  of  early  M.  E.  spellings  it  is  of  great  importance  fully 
to  realize  that  6?  is  » loose »  in  position  between  two  compounds. 
Consequently,  if  s  occurs  in  e.  M.E.  forms  it  does  not  always 
follow  that  a  personal  name  is  contained  in  the  first  compound, 
nor  does  the  absence  of  s  absolutely  tell  against  such  a  supposi- 
tion. It  seems  to  us  as  if  Prof.  SKEAT  in  establishing  the  etymo- 
logy of  place-names  were  apt  to  attach  too  much  importance  to 
the  appearance  or  non-appearance  of  s  in  the  early  spellings. 
Cf.  Pl.-Ns.  of  Cb.,  p.  12  under  Rampton,  and  p.  37  under 
Snail  well. 


120  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

§  7.    Change  or  interchange  of  the  liquids  (/,  n,  r). 

The  collections  of  material  which  precede  the  various  sec- 
tions of  this  paragraph  have  been  arranged  in  the  following  way. 
The  altered  forms  of  the  various  place-names  are  given  first* 
then  the  modern  ones,  and  lastly  some  references  for  the  ety- 
mological forms.  We  have  denoted  doubtful  instances  by  placing 
them  inside  square  brackets. 


A.    Interchange  of  I,  n,  r. 
1.     Dissimilation  of  r — r. 

a.  r  —  r  >  I  —  r. 

Salopescira  (1155),  Pi.R.;  Salopescira,  Fr.Ch.;  Salop',  H.R.,  T.N.;  Salopia- 
(1231—34),  C.R.;  Salopsire  (1232—47),  P.R.;  Slobschire  (13th  c.),  Jesus  Coll.  MS. 
(Oxford);  Salop  (Hen.  VII.),  I.P.M.  —  Shropshire  or  Salop  <  O.E.  Scrobbes- 
byrigscir,  A.S.  Chr.;  Sciropescire,  D.B.;  Schorpschire,  Scropssire,  R.G1. 

Salopesbiriam  (1139),  Index;  Salopesberia  (1155),  Pi.R.;  Salopesberia,  Fr.Ch.;. 
Salopisbur,  H.R.;  Salop,  T.N.;  Salop'  (1225),  Ch.R.;  Salopesbyry  (1232—47), 
Silop  (1272—81),  Salop  (1391—96),  P.R.  =  Shrewsbury  (Sh.)  <  O.E.  Scrobbes- 
burh,  A.S.  Chr.;  Sciropesberie,  D.B.;  Scroberiensis,  Fr.Ch.;  Ssrofsburi,  R.G1.;. 
Shrovesbury,  Shrewsbury  (1318—23,  43—46),  C.R.;  Shrouesbury  (1391— 96),  P.R.;. 
Schrobesbiri,  R.Br.,  p.  Ill;  Shrewsbury  (Hen.  VII.),  I.P.M. 

Saleurdine,  D.B.  =  Shrawardine  (Sh.),  Schrewardin,  H.R.;  Srewardin, 
T.N.;  Schrewardyn,  F.A. 

Scelesberi,  Seleberi,  A.S.  Chr.  MS.  F;  Salesberia,  Fr.Ch.;  Salesburi  A, 
Salusburi  B,  La3amon,  v.  15290;  Salesbir,  T.N.;  Salesbury,  R.GL;  Salesbury 
(Hen.  VII.),  I.P.M.  =  Salisbury  or  New  Sarum  (Wl.)  <  O.E.  Searoburg,  B,  C, 
Sereberi  E,  A.S.  Chr.;  Saresburia  (1155,  89),  Pi.R.;  Saresberie,  Fr.Ch.,  Ch.R.; 
Saresbur',  Sarru',  H.R.;  Saresbury  (1232—47),  P.R.;  Saresbury^  Jesus  MS.;. 
Nova  Sarum  (1391—96),  P.R.;  Sarum,  V.E. 

Walegrava,  Fr.Ch.  ==  Wargrave  (Be.)  <  O.E.  wer,  Mdf.,  p.  146;  Were- 
grauce  (1061—65),  Index;  Wergrave,  F.A. 

Bilichangram,  D.B.;  Bilchangr  (1200),  Index  =  Birchanger  (Es.)  <  O.E. 
byric,  Mdf.,  p.  23. 

[Belford,  F.A.  =  Barford  (Nf.);  Berford,  F.A.;  Berford,  T.N.] 

b.  r  —  r  >  r  —  I. 

[Brithlinges,  T.N.;  Britlingeseye,  H.R.;  Bridlinges  (1231—34);  C.R.;  Bryt- 
lingseye  (1303),  F.A.;  Brickelsye,  Brykkylsay ,  Brikelsaye  (1476-85)  P.R.  = 
Brightlingsea  (Es.),  pron.  (brikalsi)  <  O.E.  Beorhtric,  Settle;  Brictrtceseia,  D.B.] 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  121 

c.     r  —  r  >  n  —  r. 

[Henert,  D.B.  =  Herriard  (Ha.);  Herierd  (1190),  Selborne  Ch.;  Here- 
hyrdc,  Herierd  (1316,  1428),  F.A.] 

[Kencbroc,  Fr.Ch.  =  Carbrooke  (Nf.);  Kerbrok  (13  and  14  c.),  F.A.;  Ker- 
broc,  -brock,  H.R.] 

2.  Assimilation  to  r  —  r. 

a.  I  —  r  >  r  —  r. 

[Bergemere,  Borgemere,  Burgemere,  D.B.;  Burgamera,  Anc.Ch.  =  Bolmer 
or  Baliner  (8s.),  cf.  O.E.  bulemere,  Birch  687;  Bulmer,  D.B.] 

b.  n  —  r  >  r  —  r. 

[Estarforda,  D.B.  =  Stanford  (Nf.)  <  O.E.  stan;  Estanforda,  D.B.;  Stan- 
ford, F.A.]  " 

3.  Dissimilation  of  1  —  1. 
a.     I  —  I  >  r  —  I. 

Erwadeston,  Fr.Ch.  =  Elvaston  (Db.)  <  O.E.  Mthelweald,  Searle;  Elwal- 
destone,  Fr.Ch.;  Aluualdestona  (Hen.  II.),  Index. 

Ciresfel,  D.B.  =  Chelsfield  (Ke.)  <  O.E.  Ceol,  Searle  ;  Cheleffeld,  T.N.; 
Chellesfelde  (1316,  46),  F.A. 

Herelou  (1254),  Index  =  Belleau  (Li.);  Elgelo,  D.B.;  Helghelowe,  T.N.; 
Hellowe  (1355),  Index.  The  first  element  may  have  contained  O.E.  Helga, 
Searle.  As  for  the  modern  form,  see  Introduction,  p.  13. 

Brumhelle,-  D.B.  =  Blymhill  (St.);  Blumenhulle  (c.  1250),  Index;  Blumon- 
hull  (14  c.),  see  DUIGNAN,  St.  Pl.Ns.,  p.  19. 


[Guldesmere,  D.B.;  Ingolvesmera,  Anc.Ch.  =  Ingoldsmells  (Li.);  Ingolde- 
meles,  Ch.R.  II;  Ingoldemoles,  Ingoldesmolis,  T.N.;  Ingoldmels,  -mesles,  F.A. 
The  first  part  of  the  name  seems  to  -contain  O.E.  Ingulf  or  Ingweald,  Searle  *. 
The  second  element  is,  no  doubt,  due  to  Scand  melr,  dial.  Engl.  meol  =  »a 
sand-bank»  or  >sand-hill»,  frequent  in  proper  names.  See  E.D.D.] 

C.      I  —  I  >  n  —  I. 

Soanesfelt,  D.B.  =  Swallowfield  (Be.)  <  O.E.  swealwe,  Mdf.,  p.  131; 
Solafel,  D.B. 


1   In    having  been  taken  for  the  Latin  preposition  in  accounts  for  its 
non-appearance  in  D.B.     Cf.  Gemunstorp,  D.B.  =  Ingmanthorp  (Yo.). 


122  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

[Nyland  or  Hand  (Do.),  Hand,  Inlande,  D.B.;  Liland,  T.N.;  La  Eslond 
<1284),  Layelond  (1303),  Le  Ylond,  La  Ilond  (1431),  Laylond  (1428),  F.A.  The 
etymology  is  O.E.  legland,  Sweet,  A.S.  Die.] 

Nicol  (1196),  Le.  Recs.;  Nicholia,'  Ramsey  Ch.  =  Lincoln  (Li.)  <  O.E.; 
Lincolne,  Lincolle,  A.S.  Chr. 

4.     Assimilation  to  I  —  I. 
a.     r  —  I  >  I  —  I 

Belissolt,  Belicolt,  D.B.  =  Bircholt  (Ke.)  <  O.E.  llerce,  byric-,  Beriscolt, 
D.B.;  Biricholt  (1204),  Ke.  P.F.;  Byrcheholt  (1346),  F.A. 

Clawelle  D.B.  =  Crowell  (Ox.)  <  O.E.  crawe,  Mdf.,  p.  30;  Crawell,  H.R.; 
Vrowell  (1316,  46,  1428),  F.A. 


Fallemella,  Anc.Ch.  =  Falmere  (Ss.)  <  O.E.  mere,  Mdf.,  p.  92  ;  Felesmere, 
Falemere,  D.B.;  Fallemere  (1377—81),  P.R. 

Levechanole,  D.B.  =  Lewknor  (Ox.)  <  O.E.  ora,  Mdf.,  p.  99;  LevJcenor, 
H.R.,  Leukenore  (1316),  F.A. 

Ellcsmeles,  D.B.  =  Ellesmere  (Sh.)  <  O.E.  mere;  Ellesmere,  H.R.; 
Ellesm'e,  T.N.;  Ellesmere  (1402),  F.A. 

C.     W  —  Z  >  Z  —  Z. 

Glole,  D.B.  =  Church  Knowle  (Do.)  <  O.E.  cnott,  Mdf.,  p.  28  ;  Cnolle,  D.B. 

Hanenchelole,  Exon  D.B.;  Hanechelole,  Excheq.  D.B.  =  Honicknowle 
<Dv.)  <  O.E.  cnoll. 

Benclolle  (1350),  Index  =  Bincknoll  (Wl.)  <  O.E.  cnoll;  Bienknolle  (1362), 
Index. 

Latelie,  D.B.;  Lettelegh,  Latelie,  Ch.R.  I;  Letele  (1316),  F.A.;  igffefe, 
Le«%  (1461—67,  67—77),  P.R.  =  Nately,  Netley,  and  Netley  Abbey  (Ha.)  < 
O.E.  Natanleaga  A.S.  Chr.;  Neddan-,  Nceddanleage,  Kemble  624;  Nataleie,  D.B.; 
Natale,  F.A.;  Nateley,  Netdeye,  H.R.;  Natelegh  (1279—88),  C.R. 

5.     Dissimilation  of  n  —  n. 
A.     n  —  n  >  I  —  n. 

Lantalan  (1412),  Index  =  Nantallan  (Co.)  <  Celtic  *nanton,  Cornish 
nans  =  »valley>  (cf.  WILLIAMS,  Die  Franz.  Ortsn.  Kelt.  Abkunft,  p.  67;  cf. 
also  Mdf.,  p.  97);  Namtalen  (1392),  Index;  Nanstallan  (1594),  Index. 

Lclantt  (1006),  Index  =  Lelant  (Co.)  <  Celtic  *nanton;  La  Nante(123Q\ 
Index;  Lanantha  (1331),  ib.;  Lananta  (1349),  ib. 

Lantien,  D.B.;  Lantyen,  T.N.;  Lantien,  F.A.  =  Lantyan  (Co.)  <  Celtic 
*nowfon;  Nauntyanc,  Nantyan,  F.A. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  123 

Tiltetona,    Fr.Ch.  =  Tenterden    (Ke.);    Tenterdenn  (1316,  46),  F.A.;   Ten- 

»,,  H.R. 

Clotone,  D.B.  =  Knutton  (St.);  Cnotton,  Cnoton  (12  c.),  see  DUIGNAN,  St. 

.Ns.,  p.  89. 

b.     n  —  n  >  r  —  n. 

[Carenduna,  D.B.  =  Canewdon  (Es.);  Caneuedon,  H.R.;  Kenewedon  (1227), 
i.R.;  Canwedon,  Caneudon,  F.A.] 

[Morchelona,  D.B.  =  Monkton  (Sm.)  <  O.E.  munuc,  Mdl,  p.  96;  Moneche- 
tona,  D.B.;  Moneketon,  Monketon,  Moncketon,  F.A.] 


6.     Interchange  of  1,  n,  r  «'w  o^er  cases. 

a.  r  —  w>Z —  n. 

Melestun,   D.B.  =  Murston   (Ke.);  Merston,  T.N.;  M'sfow,  H.R. 

b.  n  —  r  >  I  —  r. 

Elesford,  D.B.  =  Eynsford  (Ke.)  <  O.E.  ^Enes  ford,  Index;  Aynesford, 
€h.R.  II. 

Boleberie,  D.B.  =  Bunbury  (Ch.);  BoneUr,  Ch.R.  II. 

c.  n  —  I  >  r  —  I. 

[Tarefeld,  Ch.R.  I  =  Tanfield  (Yo.);  Tanefeld,  D.B.;  Tanfeld  (1284), 
Yo.  K.Q.] 

I,  n  and  r  in  two  syllables  of  the  same  word  exercise  in 
many  Lido-Germanic  languages  a  mutual  dissimilatory  or  assimi- 
latory  influence;  I  is  often  also  exchanged  for  r,  and  vice- versa, 
a  phenomenon  already  known  in  the  »Ursprache»,  as  is  shown 
by  the  coexistence  of  the  suffixes  -tro-,  -tlo-,  -dhro-,  -dhlo-.  Of. 
BEUGMANN,  Kurze  vergl.  Gramm.  der  indog.  Sprachen,  p.  117. 
This  interchange  of  the  liquids  is  by  no  means  a  characteristic 
of  the  O.E.  dialect.  On  the  contrary,  O.E.  sometimes  preserves 
the  original  sequence  of  consonants  in  words  which  in  other 
Germanic  dialects  have  undergone  dissimilation.  Cf.  O.E.  frqfor 
against  O.H.G.  fluobra. 

KLUGE,  Paul's  Gr.,  p.  1015,  draws  attention  to  some  late 
O.E.'  cases  of  dissimilation  and  assimilation  between  r  and  I.  The 
instances  he  adduces  are  in  our  opinion  not  wholly  conclusive. 
Slapor  for  slapol  and  slaporness  by  the  side  of  sldpolness  may 


124  B.  E.  Zachrisson 

represent  the  same  interchange  of  suffixes  which  appears  in 
waccer,  wcecer  together  with  wacol.  The  same  is  perhaps  the 
case  with  diper  and  clypol  answering  to  Dutch  Mepel,  M.H.G. 
Uepfel,  Uepfer.  Gyrder  <  gyrdel  seems  to  be  a  ghost-word,  as  it 
is  ignored  both  by  Sweet  and  Bosworth-Toller.  Stratmann's 
M.E.  Die.  and  Matzner's  Worterbuch  have  only  forms  with  /. 

There  is  hardly  even  in  modern  literary.  English  any  word 
of  native  origin  which  may  be  pointed  to  as  a  safe  instance  of 
the  interchange  here  in  question.  » Smoulder  »  is  dubious;  cf. 
Skeat's  Concise  Etym.  Die.  » Riddle »  <  O.E.  hrldder  is  explained 
by  Skeat  ib.,  as  due  to  the  change  of  suffixes.  In  some  Mod.  E. 
dialects  the  original  r  is  still  preserved:  ridder  (Sm.),  see  E.D.D. 

Where  interchange  or  change  appears  in  French  loan- 
words, this  is  very  often  a  mere  reflection  of  the  uncertainty  as 
to  the  use  of  the  liquids  which  prevailed  in  O.Fr.  itself  l.  The 
frequent  appearance  of  /  for  r,  n,  and  conversely,  may,  indeed, 
be  considered  as  a  characteristic  feature  of  the  Romance  langu- 
ages. In  Latin  the  dissimilation  of  two  consecutive  r's  was  regular 
(cf.  J.  PASSY,  Sur  les  changements  phonetiques,  p.  201),  and  in 
the  French,  Italian,  and  Spanish  languages  we  find  at  different 
periods  the  same  tendency:  /,  n,  r  in  two  syllables  of  the  same 
word  are  often  interchanged. 

For  our  purposes  it  is  of  particular  importance  to  know 
(1)  if  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest  the  interchange  of  the  liquids 
was  a  usual  phenomenon  in  the  Norman  dialect  (2),  and,  if  so, 
under  what  circumstances  this  interchange  took  place,  i.e.  by 
what  phonetic  laws  it  was  regulated. 


1  Of  Mod.  English  >  purple*,  which  in  e.  M.E.  appears  as  purper,  doublets 
existed  in  O.Fr.  itself  (see  Godefroy).  In  this  case,  however,  another  expla- 
nation would  seem  possible.  The  late  occurrence  of  the  form  in  el  is  per- 
haps best  accounted  for  by  assuming  it  to  have  arisen  in  the  compound 
purpelpelle,  by  a  process  which  might  be  called  regressive  syllabic  assimila- 
tion. According  to  H<EVELMANN,  Zum  Konsonantismus  etc.,  p.  28,  the  word 
in  question  appears  in  l.M.E.  always  as  purper,  while  in  the  above-mentioned 
compound  purpel  is  the  regular  form.  Cf.  also  O.Fr.  altel  <  principel  alter 

>  principel  altel,  NYBOP,  Gramm.  §  509.     The  change  of  r  to  I  in  Mod.  Engl. 

>  laurel*    and    *  marble »  <  O.Fr.    marbre,    lorer  etc.  may  have  taken  place  in. 
the  very  act  of  borrowing,  possibly  owing  to  mishearing.     The  circumstance 
that   both    these  suffixes  existed  in  native  words  has,  no  doubt,  contributed 
to  facilitate  the  substitution. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  125 

In  D.B.  2,  n,  r  are  interchanged  in  the  following  French 
words:  Morel  -  Morinus,  Columbels  -  •  Columbers,  Helion  — 
Herion.  See  HILDEBRAND,  pp.  339,  361.  Other  examples  quoted 
by  MENGER,  p.  87,  and  STIMMING,  p.  212  with  numerous 

references  -  -  show  that  there  must  have  been  a  great  confusion 
between  I,  n,  r  in  A.N. 

Under  such  circumstances  we  seem  justified  in  ascribing 
to  A.N.  influence  the  many  instances  of  a  similar  confusion  in 
the  forms  of  English  place-names  recorded  in  Anglo-Latin  MSS. 
from  the  time  after  the  Conquest. 

The  second  question  still  remains.  Under  what  circum- 
stances did  the  interchange  take  place?  In  a  treatise  called  »La 
dissimilation  consouantique  dans  les  Langues  Indo-Europeennes» 
a  French  scholar,  M.  GRAMMONT,  has  formulated  no  less  than 
twenty  laws  of  dissimilation,  illustrated  by  numerous  examples, 
especially  from  the  Romance  languages.  The  correctness  of 
these  laws  is,  however,  very  problematic.  Cf.  MEYER-LUBKE, 
Ltbl.  1896,  p.  409,  and  MERINGER,  Indogerm.  Forsch.  12,  Anzeiger, 
p.  12.  The  true  nature  of  dissimilation  and  similar  changes  is 
better  denned  by  METER-LUBKE,  Gramm.  I  §  570,  ^as  »une  serie 
de  changements  qui  ne  se  produisent  pas  selon  des  regies  fixes, 
mais  qui  sont,  dans  une  certaine  inesure  soumis  a  1'arbitraire  et 
au  hasard.»  The  great  variety  of  forms  seen  in  the  above  lists 
strongly  supports  Meyer-Liibke's  opinion.  Meringer  particu- 

larly points  out  what  an  important  part  faulty  speech  or  hearing 
play,  especially  where  I  and  r  are  concerned.  Cf.  also  MERINGER 
und  MAYER  Versprechen  und  Verlesen  (Stuttgart  1895),  pp.  89, 
95  fL  It  is  consequently  very  often  just  in  loan-words  that  I, 
n,  r  are  interchanged,  and  this  circumstance  certainly  deserves 
to  be  taken  into  consideration  in  the  present  case.  The  English 
place-names  were  unfamiliar  words  to  the  Normans;  they  did 
not  know  anything  of  their  etymology  or  sense,  but  wrote  and 
pronounced  them  as  they  heard  them. 

The    anomalous    forms    are    also    not    so  numerous  in  any 

other  record  as  in  the  earliest  of  them  all,  Domesday-Book.     In 

the  12th  cent,  they  are  still  very  well  represented,  particularly  in 

the  French  charters  -  -  by  no  means  an  unimportant  circumstance 

-  but  after  the  middle  of  the  13th  c.  they  may  be  said  to  have 


126  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

disappeared,  if,  of  course,  we  except  the  few  cases  where  they 
ultimately  prevailed. 

Though  we  have  expressed  it  as  our  opinion  that  no  fixed 
rules  can  be  laid  down  according  to  which  the  changes  we  have 
to  deal  with  in  this  section  may  be  said  to  have  taken  place, 
our  material  has  been  classified  under  various  headings  so  as  to 
present  a  more  perspicuous  view  of  the  whole.  At  the  utmost^ 
a  few  general  tendencies  may  be  noted.  Dissimilation  seems  ta 
be  more  usual  than  assimilation,  and  the  change  of  r  —  r  >  I  —  r 
is  of  particularly  frequent  occurrence 1.  For  interesting  O.Fr, 
instances  parallel  to  the  ones  noted  by  us  -  -  both  in  place- 
names  and  ordinary  words,  see  NYROP,  Grarnm.  §§  327,  328, 
340,  359,  511,  512;  EUREN,  fitude  sur  YE  francos  (Diss.  Upsala 
1896),  pp.  18,  37  ff.;  WILLIAMS,  Franz.  Ortsnamen,  pp.  22,  23; 
LINDSTROM,  De  obet.  vokal.  bortfall  i  nagra  nordfranska  ortnamn 
(Diss.  Upsala  1892),  p.  13,  Anm.  2;  NEUMANN,  Zur  Laut-  und 
Flexionslehre  des  altfranz.,  p.  69  2. 

Before  going  further,  it  will  be  convenient  to  try  and 
establish  whether  some  of  our  instances  may  be  accounted  for 
as  due  to  mere  confusion  of  letters.  Cf.  Introd.,  p.  6  f.  A 
glance  at  the  facsimiles  of  D.B.  and  some  early  1 2th  cent,  records, 
like  the  Li.S.,  will  suffice  to  show  that  I  is  quite  distinct  in  form 
from  n  and  r,  so  that  all  interchanges  between  I,  on  the  one 
hand,  and  n,  r,  on  the  other,  seem  to  require  a  phonetic  explana- 
tion. Moreover,  no  graphic  confusion  between  I  and  n,  r  has 

1  STOLZE,  pp.  37,38,  has  also  noted  a  few  cases  of  interchange  between 
I   and   r   in    D.B.,    which    he  rightly  ascribes  to  A.N.  influence.     One  of  his 
examples  is  not  to  the  point.     He  thinks  that  Warborgetone  and  Walburgeton 
in  SB.  stand  for  the  same  place,  but   Walburgeton  is  identical  with  Walberton 
in  the  Rape  of  Benested,  later  on  called  Avisford,  while  Warborgetone  stands 
for  Warbleton  in  the  Rape  of  Hawksford.     Warborgeton  D.B.  corresponds  to 
later  Warbillhun  (13  c.),  Index,   Warbleton  (14  c.),  P.R.,  C.R.,  but  in  the  early 
Fr.Ch.  we  find  the  form    Warborgultona,  containing  both  I  and  r;  so  it  is  not 
safe  to  assume  the  change  of  I  >  r  in  the  D.B.  form. 

2  We  may  add  a  few  more:  Linglonia  (1162),  Lingronia  (1190),  Ningronia 
(1278)  =  Langrune  (Calv.),    see    Die.  Top.;  Berebrona  (1116),  Belebrone  (1206), 
Bereborna   (13  c.)  =  Bellebrune,    see  A.  DE  LOISNE,  Les    noms    de  lieu  du  P. 
de    Calais,    p.  7.    n   has  been  changed  to  r  in  Marville  <  Manulfi  villa,  see 
QUICHERAT,  p.  62.    In   the   R.B.    the   same  person  is  spoken  of  as  Hug.  de 
Anvers  and  Alverso  (n  —  r>l  —  r),  but  this  instance  also  admits  of  another 
interpretation:  Alvers(o)  —  Auvers  =  Anvers  (u  in  Auvers  being  an  error  for  n)~ 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  12T 

been  noted  by  tbe  authors  referred  to  in  the  Introd.  It  is  dif- 
ferent where  n  and  r  are  concerned.  Particularly  in  a  medial 
position  these  letters  are  very  much  alike  in  some  MSS.  of  that 
time.  For  instances  of  confusion  between  the  two  see  SCHROER, 
Anglia,  Beiblatt  XVIII,  p.  97  f.,  Engl.  Stud.,  14,  p.  249,  Ltbl. 
1902,  p.  288;  BERBERICH,  Herb.  Apul.,  p.  8;  LTTHMANN,  La3amou, 
p.  50.  This  being  so,  the  appearance  of  n  for  r,  and  vice-versa, 
might  sometimes  be  explained  as  a  scribal  error 1.  We  must, 
however,  not  forget  that  the  change  of  n  to  r  by  dissimilation  is 
well  evidenced  in  O.Fr.  For  instances  see  EUREN,  p.  24;  LIND- 
STROM,  p.  13,  Anm.  2;  WILLIAMS,  p.  23;  Jahresbericht  der  rom. 
Phil.  1891—94  I,  p.  157. 

We  will  now  pass  on  to  discuss  a  few  instances  that  be- 
long here,  which  for  various  reasons  have  not  found  a  place  in 
the  lists.  Combined  dissimilation  and  assimilation  appears  in 
Erwardeston  (1246),  Ch.R.  =  Elvaston  (Db.),  ^Elvvbldestune,  D.B. 
<  O.E.  JEthelweald,  Searle  (I  —  I  >  r  —  I  >  r  —  r) 2.  Of.  dialectal 
French  verocipele  (see  NYROP,  Gramm.,  p.  406)  <  velocipele  < 
velocipede  (I  —  d  >  I  —  I  >  r  —  I). 

Apparent  loss  of  n  after  o  in  Mold  (Flintshire)  and  Mowbray, 
pron.  (moubre),  Tanger  (a  personal  name,  see  BARDSLEY'S  Die.,, 
p.  544)  is,  in  all  probability,  only  an  instance  of  n  having  been 
turned  into  I. 

Of  Mowbray  we  have  noted  the  following  early  spellings: 
6r.  de  Molbray,  Mubray,  Mumbray,  Munbray,  Ch.R.  I;  N.  d& 
Mumbray,  Moubray,  H.R;  John  de  Mun-,  Mount-,  Mou-,  Mum- 
bray,  F.A.,  vol.  IV.  We  take  Munbray  (=  Mod.  E.  Mumbray, 
see  Bardsley,  I.e.)  to  be  the  original  form,  from  which  arose 


1  For  that  reason  we  have  put  between  brackets  all  instances  of  n  for 
r  and  r  for  n  in  the  lists  heading  this  section. 

*  The  same  place  offers  an  instance  of  what  BEHEENS  (cf.  his  Uber 
reciproke  Metathese  im  Roman.,  Greifswald  1888)  calls  reciprocal  metathesis, 
viz.  Aswalton  (14  c.),  F.A.,  for  Alwaston.  According  to  Behrens,  this  pheno- 
menon is  of  very  frequent  occurrence  in  Italian  dialects  and,  besides,  a 
usual  mistake  in  ordinary  speech  (French  feciliter  <  feliciter  etc.).  Cf .  also 
MEEINGEE  und  MAYEE,  Versprechen  etc.,  p.  20  f.  English  instances  are- 
caliban  <  cannibal  and  possibly  O.E.  eolone  <  *iluna  <  inula,  see  POGATSCHEE. 
Lehnworte,  p,  61. 


128  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

Molbray  (n  —  r>l  —  r),  whence,  by  the  vocalization  of  I  to  u, 
Mowbray,  Mubray  1. 

The  Index  gives  the  following  old  spellings  of  Mold 
{Flintshire):  Mom  altus  (1338),  Mohaut  (1337),  Mohaute  (1400). 
The  development  seems  to  have  been  Montalt  >  *Moltalt  (n  —  I 
>  I  —  i)  >  Mohaut.  The  reappearance  of  I  before  t  and  the 
transition  of  It  >  Id  does  not  offer  any  difficulties. 

In  a  few  cases  we  are  at  a  loss  to  decide  whether  a  form  is 
<iue  to  sound-change  or  to  the  substitution  of  one  word  for  another. 
Aylwoldesle,  Np.S.  =  Egelweardesle,  Geld.  Inq.,  Alwardeslea,  D.B., 
.and  Chenwardestone,  D.B.  =  Kinvaston  (St.)  <  O.E.  Cynwaldestun 
(a.  944)  (see  DUIGNAN,  St.  Pl.Ns.,  p.  87)  look  like  instances  of 
I  —  r  >  I  —  /,  n  —  I  >  n  —  r,  •  but,  on  the  other  hand,  we  have 
noted  the  same  interchange  where  no  other  liquid  is  found  in 
the  same  word:  Aswoldeby,  Aswordeby,  T.N.,  Asewardby,  Asewaldby, 
H.R.  =  Aswardby  (Li.).  So  some  confusion  between  the  very 
usual  components  -weald,  -weard  may  have  been  the  cause  of 
all  the  above  changes. 

Lastly  a  few  instances  are  well  worthy  of  note  in  which, 
&part  from  the  proximity  of  other  liquids,  I,  n,  r  are  confused 
in  the  A.N.  spellings  of  English  place-names:  n  for  I  appears  in 
Devenis,  D.B.  =  Dewlish  (Do.)  <  O.E.  develisc,  Birch  525,  Deve- 
lyssh,  F.A.;  r  for  I  in  Sperehou,  Spelehou,  D.B.  =  Spelhoe  Hun- 
dred (Np.),  Spelhoh  (1076),  Geld.  Inq.,  Speleho,  Np.S.,  Spdho 
<1316),  F.A.;  /  for  r  in  Kiemela,  Chimela,  Anc.Ch.  =  Keyrner  (Ss.) 
<  O.E.  mere,  Kymere  (1316),  Index,  and  Motbilie,  -berie,  D.B.  = 
Modbury  (Dv.X  Modbijr,  H.R.,  Modbury,  F.A.  The  last  instance 
strongly  recalls  a  similar  interchange  in  some  French  words  of 
the  same  type:  concile,  concire  etc.  Cf.  EUREN,  p.  22. 

The  ultimate  source  of  the  surname  is,  no  doubt,  a  place  in  Calva 
doe  called  Mombray  of  which  old  spellings,  like  Molbrai  (1198),  Monbreium 
(1231),  Monibray  (1461),  are  noted  in  the  Die.  Topogr.  du  Calv. 

8  From  an  etymological  point  of  view  Mold  is  identical  with  a  Mod. 
E.  surname  Mowatt,  pron.  (mauat),  Tanger,  which  in  the  early  records  ap- 
pears as  Muhaut,  Muhalt,  Mohaud,  MouJiaud,  Rievaux  Ch.;  Montr.  Alto,  Mou-, 
Mow-,  Muhaut,  Ch.R.,  F.A.  n  is  still  preserved  in  St.  Mary  Mounthaw,  the 
name  of  a  London  parish,  the  first  element  of  which  obviously  contains  the 
word  >mounlain>,  and  of  which  entries  occur  with  n  and  without:  St.  Marie 
Mountenhaute  (1428),  F.A.,  8.  Mary  Mowthaw,  Speculum  Britannise,  S.  M. 
Mountenhaut  (1463),  Index. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  129 

In  fact,  if  we  consider  the  very  nature  of  the  sounds  in 
question,  we  find  another  reason  why  they  were  so  often  misun- 
derstood and  misrendered  by  the  Normans.  On  the  one  hand, 
there  may  have  existed  a  considerable  difference  between  the 
English  liquids  and  the  corresponding  French  ones,  both  from 
the  point  of  view  of  articulation  and  in  other  respects,  whilst,  on 
the  other,  we  have  strong  evidence  for  believing  that  the  acoustic 
effect  of  I,  n,  r  in  O.Fr.  itself  was  very  much  the  same.  Rhymes 
of  vowel  +  1:  vowel  +  n:  vowel  +  f  are  extremely  usual  both  in 
A.N.  and  Continental  French.  For  instances,  see  MENGER,  p.  87, 
WAHLBERG,  Le  Bestiaire,  p.  LV  *.  Even  in  literary  French  there 
was  a  hesitation  between  I  and  r  as  late  as  the  16th  cent,  and 
a  great  uncertainty  as  to  the  use  of  I,  n,  r  is  still  a  characteri- 
stic feature  of  Parisian  vulgar  speech.  Cf .  NYROP,  Gramm. 
§§  339,  340,  342.  Investigations  into  the  modern  French  dialects 
show  that  the  same  uncertainty  prevails  also  there.  On  this 
point  see  EUREN,  p.  16,  who  gives  numerous  references. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  a  discussion  of  those  instances  in 
our  lists  which  offer  some  particular  points  of  interest.  A  con- 
siderable number  of  the  anomalous  forms  seem  to  have  been  of 
a  very  ephemeral  nature,  as  it  would  seem,  solely  due  to  mis- 
hearing. In  that  case  they,  no  doubt,  disappeared,  very  soon 
after  they  had  been  brought  into  existence. 

Association  with  words  usual  in  the  place-nomenclature  of 
Normandy  may  sometimes  have  facilitated  the  change,  or  even 
influenced  it  in  a  certain  direction.  Thus  Belford  (see  list  1  a) 
(==.  Barford,  Nf.)  recalls  O.Fr.  bel,  Ingolvesmera  (3  b)  (=  Ingolds- 
mells,  Li.),  O.Fr.  mer.  Bur  gamer  a,  Bergemere  etc.  (2  a)  (=  Bol- 
mer,  Ss.)  has,  no  doubt,  been  influenced  by  O.Fr.  bourc,  bourg 
(cf.  KORNMESSER,  p.  43)  and  berg,  cf.  JORET,  p.  86. 

A  tendency  to  avoid  difficult  consonantal  combinations  may 
be  traced  in  the  numerous  forms  glolle,  lolle  (4  c)  for  cnolle,  as 
well  as  in  Clotone  (5  a)  for  Knotone  (=  Knutton  St.). 

One    French    form,    formerly    widely    used,  has  now  fallen 


1  We  have  noted  some  rhymes  of  this  kind  in  the  Chron.  of  Mousket: 
Sulie:  pcenie,  v.  31730;  Sulie:  chevalrie,  v.  36429;  more  are  given  by 
TH.  LINK,  Uber  die  Sprache  der  Chron.  von  Mousket  (Dies.  Erlangen 
1882),  p.  5. 

9 


130  R.  E.   Zachrisson 

into  complete  oblivion,  viz.  Nicol  (3  c)  for  Lincoln  1.  The  former 
is  peculiar  to  purely  French  works,  whereas  English  and  gene- 
rally also  Latin  works  make  use  of  the  latter.  Thus  Robert  of 
Brunne  has  Lincolne,  p.  6,  Lyncolnschire,  p.  119,  against  Nicole, 
Nichole,  I,  pp.  148,  232,  and  Nicoleschire,  I,  p.  484  in  Langtoft 
Numerous  instances  from  O.Fr.  chronicles  quoted  by  WESTPHAL, 
p.  34,  only  exhibit  n.  According  to  Camden,  1,  p.  563,  the  form 
Nichol  occurred  many  times  »in  ancient  Charters,  and  even  as 
low  as  in  Edward  the  fourth's  time.  William  Caxton,  in  his 
Chronicle,  calls  it  Nichol»  2. 

The  French  forms  have  gained  the  victory  only  in  a  few 
rare  instances:  Salisbury  (la),  Salop  (la),  Lantyan  (5  a),  Lelant 
(5  a),  and  possibly  Brightlingsea  (1  b). 

The  first  time  we  have  hit  upon  the  dissimilated  form  of 
Salisbury,  is  in  the  MS.  F  of  the  A.S.  Chron.,  so  remarkable  for 
its  many  Norman  peculiarities.  The  two  forms  existed  side  by 
side  for  a  long  time.  As  late  as  1403  a  certain  J.  Sarislury  is 
mentioned  in  the  Index,  and  r  still  lingers  on  in  the  shortened 
Latin  form  Sarum.  Jones  (1701)  prefers  to  spell  the  name  of 
the  town  » Sarisbury* ,  which,  however,  »is  sounded  Salsbury*. 
Cf.  EKWALL,  Jones's  Phonography,  p.  72.  All  O.Fr.  works  we 
have  consulted  favour  the  dissimilated  form:  Salesbire,  Gaimar, 
v.  4390;  Salesbyry,  Langtoft  I,  p.  66;  Salesbires,  Guillaume  le 
Mar.,  v.  1558  etc. 

In  Salop  s  for  (/)  and  the  svarabhakti  between  s  and  I  are 
also  due  to  A.N.  influence.  Cf.  §  3  p.  56  f.  This  form  is  used  for 
the  town  of  Shrewsbury  till  towards  the  beginning  of  the  16th 
cent.,  and  is  still  a  common  appellation  for  the  county. 

A  parallel  to  Lantyan  <  Nantyan  is  offered  by  several 
French  place-names,  where  original  Celtic  nant  has  been  turned 
into  lant.  See  WILLIAMS,  p.  22.  Is  the  dissimilation  here  due 
to  Celtic  sound-development? 

1  The  intermediate  form  Nincole  appears  in  Fantosme,  v.  1551.  Nincole 
was  soon  transformed  to  Nicole,  probably  on  the  analogy  of  the  usual  per- 
sonal name  Nichol. 

3  Prof.  Ekwall  has  kindly  pointed  out  to  me  the  interesting  circum- 
stance that  Kingsley,  the  well-known  English  novelist,  was  not  ignorant  of 
the  existing  doublets  of  Lincoln,  as  appears  from  a  passage  in  his  Here- 
ward  the  Wake,  chapter  XXI,  p.  280:  »Lic-  nic-  cole?  replied  Ascelin,  who, 
like  the  rest  of  the  Frenchmen,  never  could  manage  to  say  Lincoln.* 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  131 


As  for  Brightlingsea  it  is  doubtful  whether  such  forms  as 
Brytlingseye  and  Brickelsye  are  really  due  to  Brictriceseia.  It 
would  perhaps  be  safer  to  start  from  an  unrecorded  O.E.  ground- 
form  *BrMlingaeg,  the  former  element  of  which  may  have  de- 
noted the  whole  family  to  which  Brihtric  belonged. 

Though  Nyland  (3  c)  looks  like  a  dissimilated  form  of 
Liland,  we  prefer  to  keep  the  two  apart.  Obviously  both  of 
them  go  back  to  an  O.E.  ground-form  Igland,  but,  while  the  for- 
mer has  originated  by  prefixing  the  French  article  (cf.  Introd., 
p.  12),  we  construe  the  latter  as  due  to  the  M.E.  formula 
*attenilande  *. 

It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  some  of  the  cases  we  have 
noted  may  be  explained  a§  due  to  dialectal  sound-change.  Though 
7,  n,  and  r  are  sometimes  confused  in  the  English  dialects,  this 
confusion  is  mainly  confined  to  two  distinct  classes  of  words: 
(1)  Words  which  only  occur  in  the  dialects,  and  the  etymology 
of  which  is  often  very  uncertain;  (2)  words  borrowed  from  foreign 
languages,  in  which  interchange  may  already  have  existed  - 
this  is  often  the  case  with  the  French  loan-words  -  -  or  else 
change  have  set  in  at  the  very  time  of  the  borrowing,  as  well 
as  afterwards,  owing  to  ignorance  of  the  word  and  want  of 
practice  in  pronouncing  it  correctly.  Here,  again,  we  have  to 
pay  due  regard  to  the  physiological  fact  that  I,  n  and  r  were 
articulated  in  a  similar  manner,  so  that  the  acoustic  difference 
between  them  was  very  slight.  The  comparatively  small  number 
of  words  belonging  here  which  are  quoted  by  FRANZMEYER, 
p.  1—10,  and  KRUISINGA  §§  328,  330  may,  nearly  all  of  them, 
be  referred  to  one  of  the  above-mentioned  groups  1. 

NOTE.  Some  of  the  instances  adduced  by  Franzmeyer  and  Kruisinga 
are  to  be  eliminated,  as  being  not  to  the  point. 


1  Cf.    the    following    early    forms  of  Ewhurst  (Sr.):  La  Slefherst  (here 
the    French    article    seems    to    have  been  prefixed  twice)  (13  c.),  Index;  New- 
hurst  (<  *attenewhursf)  (13  c.),  Index.     For  more  similar  instances  see  DUIG- 
NAN,  Wo.  Pl.Ns.,  p.  113  ff.;  St.  Pl.Ns.,  p.  108. 

2  To    group    1    may  belong:  bourtree,  bultrey,  bountree  (see  E.D.D.);  to 
group    2:    calavan  <  caravan,   gualantee  <  guarantee,   paltridge  <  partridge, 
oliprance  <  orprance,  cravel  <  clavel,/raiJ  <  flail,  sy noble  <  syllable;  chander 
<  chalder,    all    from    French;  frannel  <  flannel,  from  Welsh;  keerhauling  < 
keelhauling,  from  Dutch. 


132 


R.  E.  Zachrisson 


Nittle  for  little  (see  FBAZMEYEB,  p.  3)  by  no  means  exemplifies  a  dis- 
similation of  I  —  /  >  n  —  L  The  form  in  question,  which  is  often  used  by 
grown  up  people,  when  speaking  to  children,  has,  naturally,  originated  through 
an  intentional  desire  to  imitate  the  imperfect  language  of  children  Of.  Swe- 
dish »stackars  niten>,  for  >stackars  liten»,  similarly  used.  Under  the  same 
circumstances  I  is  often  substituted  for  the  difficult  sound  of  r  (cf.  Swedish 
*Helle  dud  sa  lal>  for  »Herre  gud  sa  rar>\  and  this  is  no  doubt  the  way  in 
which  the  English  pet-name  forms  Hal,  Sal,  Mai  for  Harry,  Sara  and  Mary, 
as  also  doll  <  Dorothy,  have  arisen,  i.e.  from  being  originally  used  only  by 
the  children  themselves,  such  hypocoristic  forms  have  been  adopted  also  by 
grown-up  people. 

Emeratid  <  emerald  (FBANZMEYEE,  p.  6),  of  which  the  former  only 
occurs  in  the  Scotch  dialects  (cf.  the  instances  in  N.E.D.  and  E.D.D.),  is 
best  explained  as  due  to  the  change  of  suffixes,  the  usual  Scotch  ending 
and  having  been  substituted  for  original  -aid. 

KEUISINGA  §  328  points  to  the  dialectal  forms  armenik  and  arfabet 
for  almanac,  alphabet  as  instances  of  I  >  r.  Here  r  has  probably  been  in- 
serted after  the  loss  of  I,  and  this  is  the  more  likely,  as  in  the  Somerset  dia- 
lect we  find  an  inorganic  r  also  in  larf  <C  laugh,  pronounced  with  the  same 
vowel -sound  as  that  of  arfabet. 

In  like  manner  we  would  explain  the  form  armere  <  almonry,  Machyn 
2544  (a.  1561),  cf.  DIEHL,  Anglia  XXIX,  p.  194.  For  more  instances  of  a 
similar  insertion  of  r,  see  HOEN,  Untersuchungen,  p.  61. 

At  least  in  one  case  the  change  of  I  >  n  seems  to  depend 
on  English  development,  viz.  in  the  combinations  nm,  mn.  This 
transition  may  be  explained  either  as  a  dissimilation  of  n  to  I, 
caused  by  the  neighbouring  m,  or  as  a  tendency  to  replace  a 
consonantal  combination  of  rare  occurrence  in  the  language  by 
a  more  familiar  one  *.  M.E.  instances  are  elmyes,  garlementes, 
remwlant,  Paston  Letters  (cf.  NEUMANN,  p.  82),  remelaunt,  rem- 
lawnt,  see  BEHRENS,  p.  199.  In  the  dialects  and  in  vulgar  Eng- 
lish chimley,  omlibus,  umlibush  (cf.  FBANZMETEB,  p.  9;  STORM, 
Engl.  Phil.,  p.  823)  may  be  pointed  to  as  illustrating  the  trans- 
ition. Here  may  also  belong  Standard  English  martlemass  < 
martmrnass. 

In  the  place-names  we  have  noted  the  following  cases:  Kil- 
mersdou  (Sm.)  <  O.E.  Cynemar,  Searle,  Cenemeresduna,  D.B., 
Kinemeresdon,  Ch.R.  II,  Kynemeresdon  (14  c.),  P.R.;  Wilmots- 


In  O.Fr.  the  unusual  sound-combination  nm  in  also  done  away  with 
in  various  manners;  cf.  Lat.  anima  >  anme,  which  latter  is  changed  to  ame, 
aime,  and  arme.  See  EUEEN,  p.  25;  GEAMMONT,  p.  56. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  133 

ham  l  (Sm.)  <  O.E.  Winmcer,  Searle,  Winemeresham,  D.B.,  Wy- 
nemerham  (1284),  Wynemersham  (1302,  46),  F.A.;  Kylmerston 
(1346),  F.A.  =  Kimmerston  (Nb.)  <  O.E.  Cynemar,  Searle,  Kin- 
merston,  Kymerston,  F.A. 

Present  n  for  older  I  in  Muncaster  (Cu.),  Mulcastre  (1288 — 96), 
C.R.,  Mulcastre  (1385),  Cat.  A.D.,  »Moncaster  but  its  true  name 
is  Mulcastre*,  M.Br.  I,  p.  367,  hardly  arose  owing  to  A.N.  in- 
fluence, our  first  reference  for  the  n-  form  being  as  late  as  the 
14th  cent.  =  Muncastre  (1318—23),  C.R.  2.  The  alteration  may 
be  due  to  association  with  numerous  places  in  Monk-,  like  Monk- 
ton  etc.  <  O.E.  munuc  3. 

According    to    Hope,    Alderwasley  (Db.)  and  Needham  (Sf.) 
are  dialectally  pronounced  »Annerslee»,  »Allerslee»  and  »Leedum» 
Whether  this  is  correct  we  cannot  decide,  nor  do  we  venture  to 
suggest    any  explanation,  as  we  have  no  instances  of  early  spel- 
lings of  the  two  places  in  question. 

B.    Dissimilation  of  n  to  I,  r  by  a  following  m. 

The  French  forms  have  prevailed  only  in  the  case  of  Dur- 
ham (Du.)  for  which  we  have  found  the  following  early  re- 
ferences. 

1.  Forms    with  n:  Dunelm,  Boldon  Book  (late  12th  cent.); 
Dunolm,    Donelme    (1191),  Pedes  Finium  for  Du.;  Duriholm  (1227 
-31—34)  C.R.,  Dunolm  (1343—46),  ib.;  Dunelm  Civitas,  V.E. 

2.  Forms    with  r:    Durelme,    Gairnar,    v.  1296;    Durealme, 
Fantosme,  v.  534,  Dureaume:  Uasme,  ibid.,  v.  1603;  Dur erne,  Dur- 
ham, Duram,  Langtoft  1,  p.  414;  Durham  (1231),  Ch.R.;  Durham 
(1279—88),    C.R.;  Duram,  R.G1.;  Durham,  R.Br.,  p.  74;  Durham, 
Durem,    Duresme    (1313 — 18),    C.R.;    Dorham,    Capgrave,   p.  145; 
Duriaume,  Durialme,    Mousket,  vv.  14031,  13311;  Dureaume,  Du- 
reiaume,    Benoit,  vv.  38663,    38387;  Durham,  (Hen.  VII.),  I.P.M.; 

1  Wilmotsham    is  a  mere  fancy-spelling;  cf.  Headless  Cross  for  Head- 
ley's  Cross  in  Wo.,  DUIGNAN,  Wo.  Pl.Ns.  p.  80. 

2  The  old  form  Mulcastre  still  survives  in  the  English  surname  Mulcaster. 
See  BABDSLEY'S  Die.,  p.  545. 

3  It  may  be  that  this  alteration  was  arbitrary,  caused  by  the  somewhat 
vulgar  sense  of  the  first  element  wm£=»dust»,  >rubbish».     See  E.D.D.    For 
similar  reasons  Ugley  (Es.)  has  in  quite  recent  times  been  altered  to  Oakley. 
(Bartholomew's    Gazetteer    gives    both  forms).     Old  forms,  like  Oggele  (1303), 
F.A.,  Uggele  (1428),  ib.,  point  to  an  O.E.  ground-form  *Ugganleah. 


134 


R.  E.  Zachrisson 


Duresme  (17th  c.),  see  DIEHL,  Anglia  XXIX,  p.  188.  -  In  a 
record  called  Registrum  palatinura  Dunelmense,  1311 — 16(=Chron. 
and  Mem.,  62)  Durham  in  the  French  parts  regularly  appears  as 
Duresme,  in  the  Latin  ones  as  Dunelm. 

The  original  O.E.  form  is  DunJwlm,  A.S.  Chr.,  which  in 
Bede  appears  as  Dunelma  <  the  adjective  Dunelmensis,  just  as 
Palermo  <  Panermitanus,  adj.  derived  from  Patiormus;  cf.  MEYER- 
LUBKE,  Einfuhrung  in  das  Stud,  der  rom.  Sprachen,  p.  187. 
Dunelm,  BoJdon  Book,  is  possibly  a  continuation  of  this  Latin 
form,  but  may  also  very  well  be  due  to  O.E.  Dunholm  with 
weakening  of  unstressed  o  to  e.  The  form  Durelme,  Gaimar, 
has  originated  by  dissimilation  of  n  to  r,  caused  by  the  follow- 
ing m. 

This  kind  of  dissimilation,  which  is  not  quite  as  usual  as 
the  others  treated  of  before,  has  been  noted  by  GRAMMONT  in 
several  cases,  of  which  Dutch  Zaandam  (name  of  a  town)  >  French 
Saardam  (see  p.  19,  p.  25)  is  the  most  interesting  case,  as  being 
quite  analogous  to  Dunelma  >  Durelme. 

Fantosme's  Dureaume  rhyming  with  blasme  is  a  regular 
development  of  Durelme.  Duresme  may  have  originated  from 
Dureaume  by  the  dropping  of  u  and  insertion  of  an  inorganic  s  l. 

Though  the  modern  form  Durham  is,  no  doubt,  due  to 
French  Dureaume,  Dureme  2,  the  loss  of  /  before  m  might  easily 
be  accounted  for  by  English  sound-development.  Indeed,  the 
same  phenomenon  appears  in  several  cases  where  A.N.  influence 
is  out  of  the  question.  Cf.  Cuckamslow  (Be.)  <  O.E.  Cwicelmes- 
hlcewe,  Index;  Brickampton  (Gl.)  <  O.E.  Beorhthelm,  Searle,  Brithel- 
meton,  Brihtamtunn  (1200 — 1300),  Gl.  Recs.;  Brighthampton  (Ox.) 
<  O.E.  Beorhthelm,  Bristelmestone,  D.B.,  Buthampton  (1350),  Frides- 
wide  Ch.;  Wulfhem,  Byrhthem  <  Wulfhelm,  Beorhthelm,  LANGER, 
Abingdon  Chart.,  p.  59;  MyJcames  (=  Michaelmas)  (14  c.),  Norfolk 
Gilds,  SCHULTZ,  p.  29.  According  to  Jones,  I  is  silent  in  Dunelm 
Kenelm,  see  EKWALL  §  577.  From  the  above  instances  we  may 


The  spelling  Duresme  for  Durem  may  possibly  be  due  to  the  ana- 
logy of  the  numerous  French  place-names  in  -esme  <  Celtic  -isma.  Cf.  WIL- 
LIAMS, p.  8. 

1    Cf.    such    usual    O.Fr.    forms    as     Willeaume,    Willame,    Willeme  < 
Wilihelmus. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  135 

conclude    that    English    I    has  a  tendency  to  disappear  before  m 
in  weakly  stressed  syllables. 

In  the  13th  and  14th  cent,  the  A.N.  form  of  Durham  had 
gained  a  complete  victory,  as  it  is  the  only  one  that  appears  in 
the  English  chronicles  of  that  time  (R.GL,  R.Br.).  All  forms 
with  n  are  now  to  be  considered  as  mere  archaisms  used  by 
scribes  who  had  some  knowledge  of  the  O.E.  form.  The  archaic 
spelling  Dunholm  still  occurs  on  the  map  in  Camden's  Britannia. 

NOTE.  In  this  place  we  will  consider  one  more  possibility  of  explain- 
ing the  change  of  n  to  r  in  Durham.  Dur  <  Celtic  *duros  has  perhaps 
"been  substituted  for]  dun.  In  French  place-names  dun  and  dur  are  very 
usual,  and  the  sense  of  both  was  »a  strongly  fortified  place*.  Cf.  WILLIAMS, 
p.  54,  p.  57.  Interchange  between  the  two  is,  however,  very  rare  in  the 
early  spellings  of  place-names.  The  MS.  A  of  La3amon  has  Waladunes 
dune,  v.  2823,  against  Waledures  doune  in  B.  The  very  same  place  is  called 
Paladur  in  Wace,  v.  1563,  palidour  in  R.Gl.,  Appendix,  p.  781.  The  French 
place  Roquedur  is  recorded  as  Rocdun  in  875,  as  Rocadunum  in  1156;  see 
MEYNIER,  1897,  p.  361.  In  all  the  other  cases  we  have  examined,  dun  and 
dur  are  kept  strictly  apart.  As  regards  Durham,  it  is,  therefore,  much 
more  probable  that  n  >  r  is  due  to  the  dissimilatory  influence  of  the  follow- 
ing m  than  to  a  mechanical  substitution  of  one  etymon  (dur)  for  an- 
other (dun). 

We  will  add  to  the  above  some  instances  of  dissimilation, 
similar  to  the  one  in  Durham,  which,  however,  have  had  no  in- 
fluence upon  the  modern  form  of  the  places  in  question. 

1.  n  —  m>r  —  m. 

Therham,  D.B.  =  Teynham  (Ke.)  <  O.E.  Tenham,  Kemble 
1019;  Tenham  (12  c.),  Index.;  Tenham  (1316),  F.A. 

Lerham,  D.B.  =  Lenham  (Ke.)  <  O.E.  Leanaham  (a.  858), 
Earle;  Lene-,  Lenham,  Ch.R.  I,  II,  F.A. 

2.  n  —  m  >  r  —  m. 

Winessamstede,  D.B.  =  Willshampsted  or  Wilsted  (BdL);  Wyles- 
hamstede,  Tax.  Eccl.;  Wilshampsted,  F.A. 

Limet,  D.B.  =  Nimet  or  Intake  (Dv.);  Nymet,  D.B.;  Nimet, 
R.B.,  T.N.,  H.R.,  F.A.;  Nimeth  (1216—25),  P.R. 


136  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

Eglesham,    D.B.  =  Eynsham    (Ox.)  <  O.E.    Egonesham,  'A.S. 
Chr.;  Eymsham,  T.N.,  Ch.R.  I. 


C.     Dissimilatory  loss  of  r. 

The  most  interesting  instance  belonging  here  is  Cambridge 
(Cb.)  <  O.E.  Grantebrycg,  A.S.  Chr.,  which  development  has 
already  been  explained  by  Prof.  SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns.  of  Cb.,  p.  30,  as 
due  to  A.N.  influence.  »The  use  of  C  for  G-r  arose  from  a 
Norman  mispronunciation;  the  dropping  of  r,  in  particular,  is 
clearly  due  to  a  wish  to  avoid  the  use  of  gr  and  br  in  the 
same  word.» 

Prof.  Skeat  has  recorded  so  many  old  forms  that  we  need 
only  supplement  his  list  by  adding  a  few  early  instances  from 
the  I.C.C.  and  the  I.EL:  Grenteburga,  Grantebrigge,  Granteburga, 
I.C.C.;  Grantebrige,  Grantebrugge,  Grantebrice,  Cantebrigia,  I.EL 

The  English  forms  existed  for  a  long  time  by  the  side  of 
the  Anglo-Norman  ones,  and  do  not  seem  to  have  been  definitely 
lost  until  the  beginning  of  the  15th  cent. 

Dissimilatory  loss  of  r  is  found  as  early  as  in  D.B.:  Kachene- 
foda  =.Rackenford  (Dv.);  Hardes  =  Hardres  (Ke.),  Netherardres, 
Ch.R.  I,  Hardres,  T.  N.,  (1316,  1346,  1431),  F.A.;  Stagrigesholle 
=  Stramshall  (St.),  Strangricheshall,  -hull  (13  c.),  see  DUIGNAN,  St. 
Pl.-Ns.,  p.  145;  as  also  in  various  other  records:  Bricthicesfel 
(13  c.),  Index  =  Brushfield  (Db.),  Britreichfeld  (13  c.),  Index;  Tor- 
teoda,  Fr.Ch.  =  Tortworth  (GL);  Chelysforde  (1304),  Index  =  Chels- 
wortb]  (Sf.)  <  O.E.  Ceorles  wyrfre  (a.  962),  Index.;  Sapy  Pychar 
(1519),  Index  =  Sapey  Pritchard  (Wo.). 

It  is,  however,  not  absolutely  certain  that  loss  of  r  in  all 
the  above  instances  depends  on  A.N.  influence.  Though  the 
phenomenon  in  question  was  a  usual  one  in  O.Fr.  (cf.  NYROP, 
Gramm.  §  513)  it  is  well  represented  also  in  English  itself.  Cf. 
HORN,  Archiv  115,  p.  324,  Gramm.  §  237.  That,  at  least  with 
reference  to  Grantebrycg,  the  disappearance  of  r  is  due  to  A.N. 
influence  is  rendered  very  probable  by  the  circumstance  that  the 
present  form  and  pronunciation  6f  the  place  exhibit  other 
French  peculiarities,  viz.  (ei)  for  (se)  (cf.  §  9)  and  possibly  also 
c  for  g. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  137 

NOTE.  We  do  not  think  that  Prof.  LUICK  has  succeeded  in  giving  a 
satisfactory  explanation  of  the  appearance  of  c  forg.  Cf.  Anglia  XVI,  p.  489  >der 
ersatz  des  g  durch  k  kann  daher  kommen  dass  im  Agn.  anlautend  die  folge 
ga-  (die  streng  von  gua-  zu  scbeiden  ist)  lautgesetzlich  nicht  moglich  war 
und  auch  thatsachlich  kaum  vorkam,  wahrend  ca  zwar  auch  lautgesetzlich  unmog- 
lich,  aber  nach  den  englischen  reflexen  zu  urteilen  doch  nicht  selten  war». 
To  this  we  may  object  that  ca  was  the  regular  representative  of  Lat.  ca  in 
words  like  camp  etc.  in  the  North  of  Normandy  (cf.  §  1  p.  23);  ga  was  com- 
mon to  the  various  O.Fr.  dialects  in  some  Germanic  loan-words  of  late  intro- 
duction, gdber  etc.  To  account  for  the  change  we  have,  no  doubt,  to  look 
elsewhere.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  k  and  g  are  inter: 
changeable  in  O.Fr.  itself.  For  instances,  see  NYEOP,  Gramm.  §§  399,  405, 
409,  423,  434;  MACKEL,  pp.  139,  140,  145;  BEHKENS,  pp.  202,  203,  207.  One 
more  circumstance  is  to  be  taken  into  consideration.  We  know  there  is 
nowadays  a  marked  difference  between  English  k,  g  and  the  corresponding 
French  sounds,  and  such  a  difference  may  have  existed  even  at  the  time  of 
the  Conquest.  Consequently,  k  for  g,  and  vice-versa,  may  sometimes  de- 
pend on  mishearing.  We  have  collected  some  material,  calculated  to  illustrate 
the  interchange  between  k  and  g  which  often  appears  in  the  early  spellings 
of  English  place-names.  The  instances  are  classified  according  to  the  sound 
—  consonant  or  vowel  —  that  follows  after  c,  g.  All  of  them  can  hardly  be 
interpreted  as  orthographic  misrepresentations.  (C  and  G  are  much  alike 
in  the  MSS). 

Interchange  of  1.     cr,  gr: 

Crauenhest,  D.B.,  Cravenhurst  (1377),  Index,  Graven-  Gravehurst,  F.A., 
T.N.  =  Gravenhurst  (Bd-);  Gramborne,  D.B.,  Cramburne  (1346,  1428),  F.A.  = 
Crambourne  (Ha.);  Granewrthe,  H.K.,  Cranewrth  (13  c.),  Craneworth  (14  c.), 
Index  =  Cranworth  (Nf.);  Gresinga-,  Cressingham,  D.B.,  Cressingham,  H.R., 
F.A.  =  Cressingham  (Nf.);  Grenedona,  D.B.,  Crandone,  Sm.  K.Q.  =  Crandon 
(8m.);  Granforde,  Craneford,  R.B.  =  Cransford  (Sf.);  Gretinge,  Cretinge,  R.B., 
G-ratinges,  Fr.Ch.  =  Greeting  (Sf.);  Gretingeham,  D.B.,  LEI.,  Cretingham  (1219), 
Sf.  P.F.,  Gretingham,  Ch.R.  I,  II,  T.N.,  (1307,  33)  Index,  Cretyngham  (1461-67), 
P.R.  =  Cretingham  (SI);  Crigeston,  D.B.,  Grigelstone  (1327),  Yo.  S.R.  =  Crig- 
glestone  (Yo.). 


2.     cl,  gl: 

Glauton   (1284),    F.A.,    Clauton   (1303),    ib.  =  Clawton   (Dv.);    Cloecistra, 
Cleucestra,  A.$.  Chr.  MS.  i,  Claucestre,  Claucetre,  R.G1.,  v.  1517  =  Gloucester 
il.),  cf.,  however  §  5,  p.  78,  foot-note  1;  Gliderhov  (1232),  Index  =  Clitherhoe 
i.)1;    Clenyndon   (1237),    Index,  Clendon,  F.A.  =  Glendon  (Np.);  Clachestorp, 
).B.  =  Glassthorpe    (Np.);    Glanefeld,    T.N.,   Clane-,  Clanfeld,  F.A.  =  Clanfield 

Glitherhoe  still  exists  as  a  personal  name;  see  BARDSLEY'see  Die.,  p.  321. 


138  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

(Ox.);    Glademutha,    Henry    of    Hun.    (Mon.    Brit.)  =  the    mouth    of  the  river 
Cleddau  (Pembroke),  Cledemupa,  A.S.  Chr. 

3.  en,  gn\ 

.  Gnatishale  (1230—40),  Gnateshale  (Edw.  I.),  Index  =  Knettishall  (Sf.); 
Gnolla  (1200),  Index  =  Knolle  (Wa.);  Gnareburc  (1191),  Yo.  P.F.,  Gnareburg 
(1176—77),  Index,  Gnaresburg  (1272—79),  C.R.  =  Knaresborough  (Yo.). 

4.  ca,  ga: 

Gannok  vel  Cannok  (1201—16),  P.R.  =  Cannok  (St.);  Camelegeia  (1152—53), 
Index  =  Gamlingay  (Ob.). 

5.  Ice,  ge: 
Chevelestune,  D.B.,  Geuelston,  F.A.  =  Gelston  (Li.). 

6.  gi,  lei: 

Gildecrosse,  Childecrosse,  Inq.El.  =  Guiltcross  Hundred  (Nf.);  Kildincham, 
D.B.,  Gilyngham,  F.A.  =  Gillingham  (Nf.). 

7.     co,  go: 

Godrintona,  D.B.,  Codcrington  (1284,  1428),  F.A.,  Godryngton  (1303,  46)r 
F.A.  =  Goodrington  (Dv.);  Goldhangra,  D.B.,  Caldhangre  (13  c.),  Index,  Gold- 
hengre,  H.R.,  T.N.  =  Goldhanger  (Es.);  Golchestre,  R.G1V  v.  38  =  Colchester 
(Es.);  Godbritleye,  Codbricleye  (1284),  F.A.  =  Coberley  (Gl.);  Godrinton,  D.B., 
spelled  with  G  in  the  F.A.  (1303,  16,  46),  with  C  in  the  Index  (1189),  the 
H.R,  the  F.A.  (1303),  the  Gl.Recs.  (1465)  =  Codrington  (Gl.);  Coxhill  (1467— 
77),  P.R.  =  Goxhill  (Li.);  Gossale  (1284),  F.A.  =  Cossal  (Nt.).  etc. 

Many  more  instances  of  this  interchange  have  been  recorded  by 
BARDSLEY.  See  his  Dictionary,  p.  19,  and  under  Chrimes,  p.  180,  Cladish, 
p.  183,  Carbutt,  p.  159. 


D.    Interchange  of  -ling,  -ning,  -ring. 

1.     In  the  middle  of  the  word. 

a.     ring  >  ling,  ning. 

Telingham,  Tedlingham  (d  is  excrescent),  D.B.;  Tiningon,  Fr.Ch.  =  Ty- 
ringham  (Bu.);  Tyringeham,  T.N.,  H.R.;  Tyringham,  F.A. 

Gothelyngton  (1316),  F.A.  =  Goodrington  (Dv.);  Godrintona,  D.B.;  God- 
ryngton (1303),  F.A.;  Gotheryngton  (1414),  Index. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  139 

Cudelintona  (1189),  Index  =  Codrington  (Gl.) ;  Godrin ton,  D.B.;  Goderynton 
Coderinton,  F.A. 

Walintune,  D.B.  =  Warrington  (La.);  Weryn-,  Weryngton  (1200—1350), 
La.  Pi.E.;  Werirtgton  (1303,  41),  F.A.  Wcer-  as  the  first  element  of  a  personal 
name  is  very  usual  in  Searle's  Onomasticon. 

Cameling ehatn,  D.B.  =  Cammeringham  (Li.);  Cameryngham,  Li.S.;  Camer- 
ingham,  H.R.;  Cameryngham  (1316),  F.A. 

Coclyngton,  F.A.  =  Cockerington  (Li.);  Cokerinc-,  -ring-,  -inton,  H.R. 

Simplingham,  Rievaux  Ch.,  Semplingham,  H.R.  =  Sempringham  (Li.); 
Sempringham  (c.  1100),  Sempringham  Ch.;  r  after  p  looks  like  a  late  insertion, 
for  many  of  the  earliest  forms  occur  without  r,  viz.  Sempigaham,  A.S.  Chron., 
Sempingham  (cv1100),  Sempr.  Oh. 

Silingeham,  D.B.  =  Sherringham  (Nf.);  Shiryngham,  F.A.;  Shyringham 
(1379),  Index. 

Felinghefort,    Fr.Ch.  =  Fringford  (Ox.);    Ferryngforde  (14  c.,  15  c.),  F.A. 

Tedelintone,  D.B.  =  Tytherton  (Wl.);  Tuderington  (c.  1300),  I. P.M. 


b.     ling  >  ning,  ring. 

Gameningeye,  R.B.  =  Gamlingay  (Cb.)  <c  O.E.  Gamel,  Gamela,  Searle ; 
Gamelingei,  D.B.;  Gamelingeye,  R.B. 

Greningewell,  Ch.R.  I  =  Graylingwell  (Ss.);  Greylingeivell,  Ch.R.  I. 

Boniton,  Bolintun,  Bollintune,  D.B.;  Boniton,  Volintona,  Fr.Ch.  =  Bul- 
lingtons  in  Bexhill  (Ss.). 


c.     ning  >  ling,  ring. 

Herlingtone  (1087),  Fr.Ch.;  Erlingetona,  I.C.C.  =  Arrington  (Cb.)  <  O.E. 
earn,  Sweet,  Die.;  Erningtune,  D.B.;  Erningetone,  cerningetune,  LEI. 1. 

Belingehou,  D.B.  =  Bengeo  (Ht.)  <  O.E.  Benning,  Mdf.,  p.  12;  Beningeho, 
R.B.;  Beningho,  Tax.  Eccl. 

Rauelinc-,  Raverincham,  D.B.  =  Raveningham  (Nf.)  <  Reef  en,  Rauan, 
Searle;  Ravenicham,  D.B.;  Ravenyng-,  Ravyngham,  F.A. 

Siverinctun,  D  B.;  Sevelyngton  (1284),  Yo.  K.Q.;  Sivillington,  Ch.R.  I  = 
Sinnington  (Yo.);  Sevenictun,  D.B.;  Siniton,  H.R.;  Synnyngton  (15  c.),  P.R. 


1  Loss  of  n  in  the  present  form  of  the  word  may  have  been  caused 
either  by  dissimilation  or  by  the  substitution  of  -ing  for  ling.  We  have 
noted  a  similar  interchange  between  -ing  and  -ling  in  Barming  (Ke.),  Berme- 
linge,  D.B.,  Barmling,  T.N.,  Barmlinge  (1316,  46),  F.A.,  Barmyng  (1556),  Index. 
Cf.  also  the  16th  century  form  Fremyngham,  Machyn  705  anm.,  see  DIEHL, 
Anglia  XXIX,  p.  1 93  =  Framlingham  (Sf.),  pron.  »Frammingham»,  Hope. 


140  R-  E.  Zachrisson 

2.     At  the  end  of  the  word. 
a.     ring  >  ling. 

Wachelingam,  D.B.  =  Wakering  (Es.);  Waclieringa,  D.B.;  Wakeryng, 
H.R.,  T.N.;  Wakering,  -es  (1251,  52),  Ch.R.;  Watering  (1279-88),  C.R. 

Clauelinga,  D.B.  =  Clavering  (Es.)  <  O.E.  Clcefring,  Kemble;  Clavering, 
-e,  H.R.,  T.N.,  R.B.,  F.A. 

HoMinka,  D.B.  =  Hockering  (Nf.);  Hokering,  (14*c.,  15  c.),  F.A. 

b.     ling  >  ning,  ring. 

Haringeia,  Fr.Ch.  =  Hayling  (Ha.);  Heglingaig,  Heilincigce,  Codex.  Vint. 
(MS.  12  c.),  see  Anglia,  XXV,  p.  435;  Haylyng  (1316),  F.A. 

Diceninges,  D.B.;  Dychening ',  H.R.;  DicJienyng  (1411),  Ss.  S.R.  =  Ditch- 
ling  (Ss.)  <  O.E.  Diccdingas,  Kemble  314,  Dicelinges,  U.B. 

Graveninge,  R.B.  =  Groveley  (Wl.);  Gravelinges,  D.B.,  R.B.;  Graveling, 
-ling',  T.N.,  H.R.,  Ch.R.  II. 

c.     ning  >  ling. 

Avelingnes  (1246),  Ch.R.;  Ave-,  Havelinges,  Fr.Ch.  =  Avening  (Gl.)  < 
O.E.  jfifeningas,  cf.  TAYLOK,  Names,  p.  354. 

heselinge,  LEI.;  Ixelinge  (1279—88),  C.R.  =  Exning  (Sf.);  hexeninge,  I.E1.; 
Exning',  H.R.,  Exninge  (1272—79),  C.R. 

It  is  true  that  many  of  the  above  instances  might  be  explained 
as  due  to  the  change  of  endings,  particularly  as  in  most  cases 
•ning  and  -ring  have  been  replaced  by  the  more  familiar  -ling. 
There  is,  however,  one  circumstance  which  decidedly  tells  in 
favour  of  A.N.  influence,  viz.  that  the  irregular  forms  are  mainly 
confined  to  D.B.  and  other  early  records,  like  Fr.Ch.,  I.EL,  I.C.C., 
R.B.,  while  the  normal  and  present  forms  regularly  reappear  in 
MSS.  of  a  later  date,  which  in  a  much  lesser  degree  are  affected 
by  this  influence. 

Besides,  a  similar  interchange  occurs  also  in  French  place- 
names.  Cf.  Frasnines  (1101)  =  Fralignes  (Aube),  see  MEYNIER, 
1898,  p.  141;  Pons  Berengarii  (1203),  Pons  Bellengerii  (1278)  = 
Pont-Bellenger  (Calvados);  Berengreville  (1418),  Bellangreville  (1454) 
=  Bellengreville  (Calv.),  see  Die.  Topogr.  du  Calvados.  Cf.  also 
the  various  O.Fr.  forms  of  galingal  mentioned  below. 

Our  lists  exhibit  no  instance  of  the  unetymological  forms 
having  prevailed. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  have  noted  one  case  where  at  a  late 
date  -ning  was  substituted  for  -ling,  viz.  Coney swick  or  Connings- 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  141 

wick  (Wo.),  Colingwic,  D.B.,  Collingwike  (1275),  Colyngwyk  (1327). 
Cf.  DUIGNAN,  Wo.  Pl.Ns.,  p.  41.  The  first  reference  for  n  given 
by  Duignan  is  Conisweeke  (1603).  Here  the  change  may  be  due 
to  some  popular  etymology. 

An  interchange  of  -ling,  -ning,  ring  is,  however,  not  un- 
known in  the  English  dialects,  not  only  where  French  loan-words 
are  concerned  \  but  also  in  native  words :  reckoling  <  reckoning, 
yeaveling,  eveling  <  evening  (see  KRUISINGA  §  366;  FRANZMEYEK, 
p.  8),  pollinger  <  porringer  r  at  least  is  here  due  to  native 

development  -  -  in  which  -ning,  -ring  has  been  replaced  by  -ling. 
It  is  more  astonishing  that  the  less  common  -ring  should  some- 
times appear  for  -ning,  -ling,  as  in  everin  <  evening  (see  FRANZ- 
MEYER,  p,  8),  and,  if  Hope  is  to  be  trusted,  in  Hellingly  (Ss.), 
dialectally  pronounced  »Herringlye»,  »Hellinglye». 


E.     Interchange  of  unstressed  le  (el),  ne  (en),  re  (er). 

1.     In  the  middle  of  the  word. 

a.     n  >  r,  I. 

Witrehame,  Fr.Ch.  =  Wytham  (Be.)  <  O.E.    Witanham,  cf.  Mdf.,  p.  152. 

Hedrehan   (1088),    Index;    Hadrehan,  Ch.R.  =  Haddenham  (Bu.)  <  O.E. 
Headda,  Searle;  Hadenam,  D.B.;  Hedenham,  H.R.;  Haddenham,  F.A. 

Beccheretona,  Fr.Ch.  =  Beachanipton  (Bu.)  <  O.E.  -hantun  =  ham  -\-  tun; 
Bechantona,  Fr.Ch. 

Wandrie,    D.B.  =  Wendy  (Cb.)  <  O.E.    *  Wendanige  (cf .  SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns. 
of  Cb.  p.  55);    Wendye  (1316),    Wendeye  (1346),  F.A. 

Hadreham,    D.B.;    Haddreham,   Hcederham,  I. El.  =  Haddenham  (Cb.)  < 
O.E.  Headda;  Hadenham,  I.E1.;  Hadenham  (c.  1300),  Cat.  A.D. 

Sidreham,    Sidelham,   D.B.  —  Sydenham  (Dv.);  cf.  O.E.  Sidanham,  Birch 
759;  Sydeham,  H.R.,  T.N.;  Sydynham,  F.A. 

Wigrehala,    D.B.  =  Wiggenhall    (Nf.)  <  O.E.     Wicga,     Wigga,    Searle; 
Wygenhal,  F.A. 

Mundreham,    D.B.;    Mundre-,    Mondreham,    Fr.Ch.  =  Mundham   (Ss.)  •< 
O.E.  Mundan  ham,  Index. 

Ackiltone,  D.B.  =  Eckington  (Ss.)  <  O.E.  Ecca,  Searle ;  Echentone,  D.B.; 
Echinton,  T.N. 


1  Cf.  Mod.  Engl.  galingale,  M.E.  ganyngale,  galyngale  (Matzner)  corre- 
sponding to  O.Fr.  garingal,  galingal,  ganigal  (Godefroy)  <  Arab,  khaulinjdn 
N.E.D.). 


142  R-  E.  Zacbrisson 

b.     I  >  r. 

Citremetona,  D.B.  =  Chittlehampton  (Dv.)  <  O.E.  Cytel,  Searle  (cf.  also 
cytel,  Mdf.,  p.  37);  Chitelhamton,  F.A. 

Tistertunc,   D.B.  <  O.E.  fistel,    Mdf.,  p.  139;   Tisteltone,  D.B. 

Wifretorp,  D.B.  =  Wilsthorpe  (Yo.)  <  O.E.  wt/rf,  Mdf.,  p.  150;  Wifles- 
torp,  D.B. 

Ampreford,  D.B.  =  Ampleforth  (Yo.);  Ambleford,  D.B.;  Amplesford,  T.N.; 
Ampelford,  Ch.R.  I,  Yo.  K.Q. 


>  Z. 


Liuelmera,  D.B.  =  Levermere  (Sf.);  Liuermera,  D.B.;  Leuremere,  Inq.El. 
Amblesberie,  D.B.  =  Amesbury  (Wl.)  <  O.E.  Ambresbyri,  A.S.  Chr.;  ,4m 
bresberie,  D.B.;  Ambresbur,  H.R.,  T.N. 


2.     JL#  £fte  ewd  o/  #/i 
a.     w  >  r. 

,  D.B.;  Auren,  La3amon,  v.  2498  =  the  river  Avon  <  O.E.  Afen, 
Afene-,  Afenan-,  A.S.  Chr. 

Bucfastra,  D.B.;  Bufestre,  T.N.;  Bufestre,  Ch.E.  II  =  Buekfast  (Dv.); 
Bocfasta(l3n— 81),  P.R.;  Bukfast  (1318— 23)  O.K.;  Bucfaste,  Bukfast  (Hen.  VII.), 
I.P.M.  Bucfastra,  D.B.  etc.,  is  in  our  opinion  best  explained  from  a  M.E. 
form  Bucfasten,  -ne,  where  -fasten  represents  O.E.  fcesten.  In  fact,  this 
very  form  appears  in  Bugivastene  (1292),  Index. 

Nigravre,  D.B.  =  Nether  Avon  (Wl.);  Netheraven,  H.R. 

Oppavrene,  D.B.  =  Upavon  (WL);  Uphavene,  H.R. 

Upelider  (er  <;  en  <C  an,  weakened  form  of  aw  often  =  ham  in  the  A.N. 
recs.),  D.B.  =  Upleatham  (Yo.);  Lethum,  Lithum,  Yo.  K.Q.,  Yo.  N.V. 


b.     l>r. 

Tanbre  A,  T...  rnb-e  B,  La3amon,  v.  28532  =  Camelford  (Co.),  Camelford> 
La3amon,  v.  28534  <  Britain  Camlan,  cf.  MADDEN,  p.  408,  where  more  old 
forms  are  noted. 

Pidre,  Pidere,  Pidrie,  Pitretone,  Piretone,  D.B.  =  Puddle,  Puddletown 
(Do.)<  O.E.  Pydele,  Uppidelen,  Kemble  656,  522;  Pidele,  D.B.;  Pidelc,  Pudele, 
Pedyll,  Pudull,  F.A. 

Filunger,  D.B.  =  Fillongley  (Wa.);  Fillmgle,  Ch.R.  I;Fylingele,  H.R.  < 
O.E.  leah. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  143 

C.     r  >  I. 

Aissele,  Aissela,  D.B.  =  Esher  (Sr.);  Esshere,  Essere,  Kemble  812,  988; 
Assere,  D.B. 

As  for  the  above  forms  A.N.  influence  is  hardly  to  be 
questioned  when  we  consider  the  time  and  place  of  their  appea- 
rance. Moreover,  most  instances  cannot  well  be  explained  by 
the  aid  of  English  sound-laws,  whereas  numerous  parallel  cases 
may  be  pointed  to  in  O.Fr.  In  the  majority  of  cases  unstressed 
ne,  le  has  been  changed  to  re,  more  seldom  the  other  way. 

In  O.Fr.  the  transition  of  unstressed  ne  to  re  is  very 
usual  particularly  after  the  consonants  m,  p,  f,  v,  d,  t, 

and  the  palatals  —  not  only  in  words  of  Latin  origin  (joevres- 
<  junenis  etc.)  but  also  in  the  Germanic  loan-words  (havre  < 
hcefene).  Cf.  EUREN,  p.  26  1;  MENGER,  p.  85;  MACKEL,  p.  63, 
This  agrees  well  with  such  instances  as  Witrehame,  Hedrehan, 
and  others  brought  together  in  1  a  and  2  a. 

We  believe  GRAMMONT,  p.  139,  is  right  in  considering  this 
whole  transition  as  the  work  of  analogy.  The  combination  cons. 
+  ne  was  unusual,  and  was,  therefore,  replaced  by  the  more 
familiar  one  of  cons.  +  re,  more  seldom  le,  as  in  havle  <  hcefene. 
With  this  latter  we  may  compare  Sidelham  (1  a)  by  the  side  of 
Sidreham  (ib.). 

The"  French  form  Londres  <  Londinum  (cf.  Forbiger  III, 
p.  283)  =  London,  which  also  belongs  here,  we  have  not  found 
except  in  purely  French  works.  On  the  other  hand,  Lundreis 
as  the  denomination  of  the  inhabitants  of  London  is  used  by 
R.Br.,  p.  120.  The  English  equivalent  is  Lundenisc,  A.S.Chr. 

Also  unstressed  le  passes  into  re  in  O.Fr.  after  certain  con- 
sonants (dentals,  labials,  gutturals;  after  t  the  transition  seems 
to  be  regular).  Cf.  EUREN,  p.  21  if.;  NYROP,  Gramm.  §  341. 
Double  forms  existed  of  a  not  inconsiderable  number  of  words: 
title,  litre;  escandle,  escandre;  idle,  idre  (<  idolum)  etc.  It  is 
obviously  this  O.Fr.  sound-change  that  has  operated  in  Wifre- 
torp,  Pidre,  and  other  instances  noted  in  1  b  and  2  b.  The  occa- 
sional appearance  of  /  for  r  (1  c,  2  c)  may  be  due  to  the  ana- 
logy of  the  above-mentioned  French  doublets:  title,  litre  etc. 

As  for  the  explanation  of  the  transition,  we  are  once  more 
ready  to  subscribe  to  the  view  of  GRAMMONT,  p.  130,  who  has 


144  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

characterized  it  as  a  process  of  analogical  transformation  in  the 
manner  of  the  many  words  in  cons.  +  re  already  existing  in  the 
language.  Acoustic  resemblance  between  I  and  r,  and  the  lack 
of  distinctness  in  articulation  which  must,  necessarily,  have 
resulted  from  the  absence  of  stress  have,  no  doubt,  facilitated 
the  change. 

A  similar  interchange  of  unstressed  I,  n,  r  is  of  rare  occur- 
rence in  English.  At  the  utmost,  a  few  cases  due  to  the  change 
of  suffixes  may  be  pointed  to:  M.E.  dronkele  for  droncnen,  nemele 
for  nemnen,  scorhle  for  scorlmen,  brutle  for  brutne.  See  KLUGE, 
Paul's  Gr.,  p.  1022.  A  few  more  instances  from  the  English 
dialects  are  adduced  by  FEANZMEYER,  p.  5. 

A  number  of  cases,  where  in  the  spelling  of  place-names 
older  le  has  been  replaced  by  modern  re,  ne,  and  conversely,  or 
where  interchange  appears  in  later  forms  unaffected  by  A.N. 
influence  call  for  various  explanations. 

In  the  following  instances  the  change  may  be  due  to  po- 
pular etymology:  Childerditch  (Es.),  Ciltendis,  D.B.,  Chiltendich, 
T.N.,  Chiltendich,  -dik,  H.R.  Forms  with  r  do  not  appear  until 
the  14th  cent.  (Childerdyche,  F.A.),  and  have  probably  arisen  by 
association  with  childer,  a  usual  dialectal  plural  form  of  »child»; 
see  E.D.Gr.  §  380.  -  In  all  early  spellings  Londonthorpe  (Li.) 
appears  without  n,  as  in  Lundetorp,  D.B.,  Lundthorp  (1227),  Ch.R., 
Lunderthorp,  H.R.,  T.N.,  F.A.  etc.  London  Thorpe,  M.Br.,  is  the 
first  reference  we  have  found  for  the  modern  form,  which  seems 
to  be  due  to  the  analogy  of  London. 

We  will  now  draw  attention  to  another  procedure  by  which 
many  cases  of  the  late  interchange  in  question  may  have  origi- 
nated. It  often  happens  that  under  circumstances  not  yet  fully 
cleared  up  an  unstressed  I,  n  or  r  is  dropped  in  M.E.  Ortho- 
graphy is,  however,  particularly  where  place-names  are  concerned, 
very  conservative,  and  the  scribes,  in  their  vain  attempts  to  pro- 
duce what  in  their  opinion  was  the  etymologically  correct  form, 
may  often  have  substituted  another  consonant  for  the  one  which 
was  already  lost  in  pronunciation.  For  want  of  a  -better  name 
we  will  call  this  method  of  procedure  false  reconstructive  spel- 
ling. It  goes  without  saying  that  such  a  spelling  sometimes  has 
called  forth  a  new  pronunciation.  An  instance  or  two  may  be 
adduced  to  illustrate  our  theory. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  145 

Loss  of  I  in  Prittlewell  (Es.)  (cf.  Pritewell,  1303,  F.A.)  gives 
rise  to  graphic  uncertainty,  both  r  and  n  being  introduced  as 
substitutes  for  I:  Priterwell,  F.A.,  Preterwell  (1467—77),  P.R, 
Putenewell  (1267),  Ch.R,.  -  I  is  lost  also  in  Chivelston  (Dv.), 
whereupon  r  appears  by  the  side  of  I  in  the  spelling,  Cheverston 
(1409),  Index,  Chyvelston,  F.A. 

In  the  above-mentioned  two  cases  the  erroneous  forms  have 
had  no  effect  upon  the  modern  spelling  and  pronunciation.  This 
has  been  the  case,  however,  with  the  following  places.  Farmington 
(Gl.)  certainly  goes  back  to  an  O.E.  *furmundtun  (cf.  old  forms 
like  Tormentone,  D.B.,  and  Thormanton,  K.Q.,  1284).  Such  a 
form  as  Thormanton  has  undergone  a  twofold  development:  (1) 
n  is  kept;  en  >  in  >  ing  =  Farmington;  (2)  n'  is  lost,  and 
replaced  by  unetymological  r  =  Thormerton  (1303,  16),  F.A.  The 
place  is  still  called  by  both  these  names,  see  BARTH.  -  -  The 
oldest  spellings  we  have  found  of  Thurlton  (Nf.)  are  Thuruerton, 
D.B.,  Thurvertun  (Hen.  III.),  Index,  r  is  dropped  (cf.  Thurweton, 
1384,  Index),  and  I  is  now  introduced  instead  of  r.  The  dialectal 
pronunciation  seems  to  ignore  this  /,  to  judge  by  the  form 
Thurton  on  the  map  of  Nf.  in  Camden.  -  -  Hilderston  (St.)  < 
O.E.  Hildewulf  (cf.  Heldulvestune,  D.B.),  and  Kidderminster  (Wo.) 
<  older  Kydelminster  also  belong  here.  For  numerous  references 
to  old  forms,  see  DUIGNAN,  St.  Pl.Ns..  p.  79;  Wo.  Pl.Ns.,  p.  96. 
-  Ashmansworth  (Ha.)  and  Rickmausworth  (Ht.)  are  two  more 
instances  of  false  reconstructive  spelling.  That  n  is  unoriginal  is 
evident  from  such  early  spellings  as  jEscmeres  weorf,  Earle, 
Asshmeresworth  (1316),  F.A.;  Prichemare-,  Ricemareworde,  D.B., 
RiJcemers-,  Rykemerysworth,  F.A. 

Both  popular  etymology  (association  with  » straggle »)  and  false 
reconstruction  (we  have  noted  a  form  without  r  as  early  as  in 
the  T.N.)  may  have  caused  the  change  of  r  to  I  in  Straggle- 
thorp  (Li.),  all  the  oldest  forms  of  which  (Strager-,  Stragar-, 
H.R.,  T.N.,  F.A.  etc.)  unambiguously  point  to  original  r.  Our 
first  forms  with  I  are  Stragelthorp,  Shragulthorpe  (1346,  1401), 
F.A.  Worston  (St.)  also  admits  of  this  double  explanation. 

The  etymology  is  *Wig/rithestun  (cf.  Wyfridestone,  13  c.,  DUIG- 
NAN, Pl.Ns.  of  St.,  p.  176).  Later  forms  with  I  ( Wiveleston,  13  c. 
etc.)  may  be  due  to  association  with  O.E,  wifel,  or  false  insertion 
of  7  as  a  substitute  for  r. 

10 


146  R.  E.  Zaehrisson 

§  8.    /  before  a  consonant  is  vocalized  or  lost. 

A.     I  is  vocalized  *. 
1.     After  a  Jrom  various  O.E.  sources. 

1.     Stotfold  (Bd.)  <  O.E.  fald,  falod,  Mdf.,  p.  49.     2.  Wyboston  (Bd.) 

<  O.E.  Wigbeald,  Searle.  3.  Aldwark  (Db.)  <  O.E.  <?aM.    4.    Faulkbourne  (Es.) 

<  O.E.  fealcen,  Mdf.,  p.  50.    5.  Waltham  (Es.)  <  O.E.  Wealtham,  Kemble  608. 
6.    Oldbury  upon  Severn  (Gl.)  <  O.E.  eald.     7.    Waltham  (Ha.).    8.  Calbourne 
(Ha.).     9.    Harbledown  (Ke.)  <  O.E.  Herebeald,  Searle.     1O.    Aldington  (Ke.) 
11.  Mablethorp  (Li.),  perhaps  from  an  unrecorded  O.E.  *Mcelbeorht.     12.  Cux- 
wold  (Li.)  <  O.E.  weald,   Mdf.,  p.  146.     13.    Alford  (Li.).     14.    Walsingham 
(Nf.)  <  O.E.    Wcplsingaham  (TAYLOR,   Names,   p.  353).     15.    Scaldwell  (Np.), 
16.    Walkeringham  (Nt.).     17.    Shalford  (Sr.)  <  O.E.   sccalde,   Mdf.,  p.  111. 
18.    Cowfold  (Ss.)  <  O.E.  fald. 

D.B.    Cauborne*,  Audintone10,  Aldintone10. 

12th  c.  —  Index.   Maubertorp"  (1191). 

13th  c.  —  C.B.  Wautham5  (72—79).  Ch.B.  Wautlwm*.  F.A.  Aldinton10 
(1284).  H.B.  Walt-,  Wautham*.  Index.  Stotfaud1,  Wibaudeston* 
(1208),  Audewerk*  (1289),  Mauberthorp11  (1263),  Malberfhorp"  (1256), 
Auford1*  (1220),  Wausingham1*  (1262),  Scaudewell16,  Waucringham1*, 
Scaudeford11,  Cufaude1*.  T.N.  Gukewaud,  -waldl\ 

14th  c.  —  F.A.  Faukeburne4,  Falkeburn4  (1303),  Kokewald™.  Index.  Aide- 
teerk*  (1309),  Audebyre*  (1301),  Wautham'1  (1304),  Schaldewell15  (1384). 

15th  c.  —  Index.     Wybaldeston*   (1444).    P.B.    Harbaldowne9,    Herebaudon9. 

2.     ^L/^r  e  from  various  O.E.  sources  2. 
a. 


1.  Bradfield  (Be.)  <  O.E.  cet  Bradanfelda  (c.  990),  Index.  2.  Shef- 
field (Be.).  3.  Hatfield  Peverel  (Es.).  4.  Kelfield  (Li.).  5.  Smithfield  (Li.). 
6.  Catfield  (Nf.).  7.  Whitfield  (Np.).  8.  Fressingfield  (Sf.).  9.  Stanning- 
field  (Sf.).  10.  Waldingfield  (Sf.).  11.  Westerfield  (Sf.).  12.  Whatfield 
(Sf.).  13.  Ifield  (Ss.).  14.  Uckfield  (Ss.).  15.  Bradfield  (Wl.).  16.  Wake- 
field  (Yo.).  17.  Sheffield  (Yo.). 

1  2th  c.  —  Index.     Smetfeud*,  Smethefeld5,   Withes/eld1  (c.  1150). 
1  3th  c.  —  Index.    Bradefeud1  (1277),  Bradefeld1,  Scheufcud*  (1284),  Scefeld* 
(1202),    Hathfeud\  Kelkefeud*  (1281),  Catefeld*  (1297),   Whitefeud1, 


1  We  have  arranged  our  material  according  to  the  quality  of  the  vowel 
that  precedes  I. 

*  We  will  first  adduce  some  instances  of  place-names  containing  O.E. 
feld;  then  proceed  to  deal  with  some  other  examples. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  147 

Fresingfeud*,  Fresingfeld*,  Waudingfeud™,  Wallynfeud™,  Wal- 
dingfeld™,  Westerfeud11  (1287J,  Watefeud™,  Ifeud1*.  T.N  Brade- 
feud,  -fel\  .feldl'».  Yo.  S.B,  Wakefeld,  -feud",  8ehefeW\  Scefeud" 
(1297). 

1  4th  c.  -  Index.  Catefeud*  (1308),  Stanefeld,  -feud9,  Waldingefeld  -feud10 
WatfeW  (1398),  Ifeld"  (1316),  Ifeude™  (1352),  OckefeU"  (c.  1306)' 
Ukkefeud"  (1322),  Wakcfeud1'  (1303). 


b.     In  other  cases. 

1 .     Elstow  (Bd.),  perhaps  <  O.E.  ellen,  Mdf.,  p.  45  \     2.    Elmton  (Db.) 

<  O.E.  elm,  Mdf,  p.  45.     3.    Chelborough  (Do.)  <  O.E.  Cheolesburh,  Kemble 
366,    412,   454.     4.    Elmstead  (Es.)<  O.E.  elm 2.     5.    Chawton  (Ha.).     Either 

C  O.E.  Ceol,  Searle  (cf.  also  ceole,  Mdf.,  p.  26)  or  Ceawa,  ibid.,  in  which  lat- 
ter case  el  (D.B.)  would  be  an  inverted  spelling  for  au.  The  latter  alternative 
is  perhaps  the  more  probable  one  when  we  consider  that  in  no  other  case 
have  the  A.N.  forms  prevailed.  6.  Hemswell  (Li.)  <  O.E.  Helm,  Searle.  7. 
Belchford  (Li.) 8.  8.  Feltwell  (Nf.).  9.  Elmsett  (Sf.)  <  O.E.  Ylmesceton  (10  c.), 
Index.  1 0.  Bexhill  (Ss.),  cf .  O.E.  Becca,  Searle.  1  1 .  Elmley  Castle  (Wo.) 

<  O.E.  Elmlege,  Birch  235.      1  2.    Helmsley  (Yo.)  <  O.E.  Helm,  Searle. 

D.B.  Elnestou\  Celberge*,  Elm-,  Almestedam*,  Celtone*,  Helmes- 
welle6,  Beltesford\  Feltwella*,  Bexelei10,  Elmeslac™. 

1  2th  c.  —  Index.  Fletuuella*  (1147),  Fautewelle*  (1162),  Feute-,  Fauteivell* 
(1179).  Li.S.  Helmes-,  Halmesuuella*. 

1 3th  c.  —  Annales  Mon.  Elm-,  Alne-,  Aunestoive*.  C.B.  Chauton*  (79 
-88),  Chaul-,  Chauton*  (72—79),  Chauton*  (79—88).  Ch.R.  Aume- 
ton*  I,  Elmesette9,  Aumesete9  I,  Aumesete,  -scete9  II,  Aumeleghiz  II. 
H.R.  Elmestede,  -stade*,  Belcheford1,  Byxle™.  Index.  Elnestou1 
(1203—06),  Elmestede4'  (1243),  Beudeford1  (1247),  Beltesford1  (1297), 
Feuteuuelle*,  Felteivell*  (1272).  P.B.  Hamelac1*  (25—32).  Bievaux 
Ch.  Helmesleia™,  Helmeslac1*,  Halmelac12,  Hamelak^,  Haumeslac™, 


1  SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns.  of  Bd.,  derives  the  first  compound  of  this  place  from 
O.E.   Mihdnoih ;  we  consider  a  derivation  from  O.E.  ellen  as  equally  probable,, 
and  account  for  the  forms  with  «,  au  as  due  to  A.N.  sound-change. 

2  STOLZE,    p.  15  Anm.  2,    thinks  the  D.B.  form  aim-  is  due  to  Scand. 
almr,    aim.    In    fact,    this  word  occurs  in  M.E.  in  the  compound  alme-barke. 
See  HalliwelFs  Die6.  (1904),  p.  47.     Forms  like  Elmsted  being  in  such  a  great 
majority,  Aim-  is  probably  best  explained  as  an  A.N.  form. 

8  The  etymology  of  this  word  is  obscure.  1  think  we  are  on  the  safe 
side  in  considering  the  combination  -lt(e)s-  to  be  the  original  one.  Modern  ch  is 
perhaps  to  be  compared  with  >linchpin»,  »henchman>  <  linspin,  hensman,  which 
are  looked  upon  by  HORN,  Gutturallaute,  p.  64,  as  >hyperliterary>  forms.  If 
this  conjecture  is  right,  we  have  to  start  from  such  a  form  as  Belseford, 
whence  Belcheford. 


148  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

Hamelenc™,  Hamylac™  S.B.   Elmeleye11  (1275)  (see  DUIGXAN,  Wo. 

Pl.Ns.,    p.  58).     Ss.  Becords.    Beause10   (see    Viet.  Hist,  of  8s., 

p.  537).     T.N.    Chaub'ge',  Elmstede*,  Cheleton5,  Chauton* ,  Beautes- 

ford\     Yo.  K.Q.    Hammelec™,  Haunelec1*. 
1  4th  c.  —  O.B.     Beltesford1   (81—85),    Hamelak1*  (13—18,  43—46—49),  Hel- 

mesleye™  (46—49).     Cat.  A.D.   Beltesford1  (1361,  62),  Hamelak1*. 

F.A.    Chawberge*,  Schaiveberge*,  Chelberg*,  Chelbury*,  Cheldeborowes, 

Elmestede\  Helmeswell",  Beltesford1.    P.B.  Estchelberewe*(43—4S), 

Beltesford''    (81—85),    Bexle10   (30—34),    Hamelak1*   (43—45—48). 

Yo.  N.V.     Helmeslegh™. 
1  5th  c.  —  F.A.     Belseford1   (1401).     I.P.M.    Helmesley1*   (Hen.  VII.).    P.B. 

Belcheford1  (67-77). 

3.     After  o  <  O.E.  o. 

Bircholt  (Ke.)  <  O.E.  holt,  Mdf.,  p.  75.  D.B.  Beriscolt,  Berisout.  Ke. 
P.P.  Biricholt  (1204). 

B.     /  1st  lost. 

1.  After  a  from  various  O.E.  sources. 

\ .  Smallridge  (Dv.)  <  O.E.  smcel,  Mdf.,  p.  118.  2.  Alconbury  (Hu.) 
<  O.E.  Alkmund,  Searle.  3.  Palgrave  (Nf.)  <  O.E.  Palegrave  (a.  962),  Birch 
1084.  4.  Scaldwell  (Np.).  5.  Halnaker  (Ss.).  6.  Calne  (Wl.).  7.  Helmsley 
(Yo).  <  O.E.  Helm,  Searle. 

D.B.     Esmartge1,    Esmaurige1,    Acumesberie*   (um  =  mu),    Scalde-, 

Scadewell*,  Canna6. 

1  2th  c.  —  Fr.Ch.     Pagava?,  Halnac*,  Hannah. 
13th  c.  —  C.B.    Hamelak\   H.B.  AlkmundeUr\  Calna*,  Calne9.  P.B.  Hame- 

lak\    Bievaux  Ch.    Hamelak1,  Hamylac1. 

2.  After  e  from  various  O.E.  sources. 

I .  Silverley  (Cb.)  <  O.E.  seolfer,  silfer,  Sweet,  A.S.  Die.  2.  Shilving- 
ton  (Do.)  <  O.E.  scylf,  Mdf.,  p.  114.  3.  Canfield  (Es.)  <  O.E.  feld. 

D.B.     Severlai1,  Sevemeton*,  Scilfemetune* . 

1  2th  c.  —  I.O.C.  Seuerlai1.  Inq.  El.  8euerlaio\  Seilverleia1.  Index.  Kanefed*. 
1  3th  c.  —  Index.     Childeskanefeld*  (1285). 
1 4th  c.  —  F.A.     Silverle1   (1302),  Schilfamtun*,  Shulfhampton\  Shilvington*, 

Canefeld*. 

3.     After  o  <  O.E.  o. 

Rolvenden  Hundred  (Ke.)  <  Rolf,  Searle.  D,B.  Rovinden.  F.A.  Rol- 
vynden.  T.N.  Rolvendenn. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  149 

4.  After  i  <  O.R  i. 

1 .  Wilbraham  (Cb.)  <  O.E.  Wilbur geham,  Birch  630.  2.  Wymondley 
(Ht.)  <  O.E.  Wilmund,  Searle.  3.  Wilting  (Ss.). 

D.B.     Wiborgham1,   Wimundeslai*,   Witinges3. 

1  2th  c.  —  I.C.C.     Wilburgeham1.     Inq.  El.   Wilbergeham1,  Wiborgeham1.    In- 
dex.     Wilburcham1  (1150). 

13th  c.  —  H.B.     Wilmundele*.     R.B.    Willemundele*.     T.N.    Wilemundeslea*. 

1  4th  c.  —  Index.      Wylburham1,   Wilburgham1 . 

5.  4/ter  U  <  O.E.   U. 

Bulkington  (Wa.),  cf.  O.E.  Bulcan  pyt,  Kemble  133.  D.B.  Bochintone. 
Index.  Bulkinton  (1232). 

It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  I  before  a  consonant  was  gene- 
rally kept  in  M.E.  It  was  hardly  until  late  M.E.  or  early  N.E.  times 
that  a  glide  u  developed  before  I  in  the  groups  al,  61,  gl.  At  about 
the  same  time  loss  of  I  is  evidenced.  This  loss,  which  in  some 
dialects  has  a  much  larger  extension  than  in  Standard  English, 
appears  almost  exclusively  after  a  guttural  vowel.  Cf.  on  this 
question  HORN,  Gramm.  §§  42,  231  ff.;  LUICK,  Anglia  XVI,  p. 
462  ft.;  GRUNING,  p.  21. 

In  O.Fr.  vocalization  of  I  before  a  consonant  set  in  very 
early,  and  the  process  had  certainly  commenced  at  the  time  of 
the  Conquest.  Cf.  MEYER-LUBKE,  Gramm.  §  482;  NYROP,  Gramm. 
§  343. 

Most  instances  of  I  >  u  which  we  have  brought  together 
in  list  A  can  only  be  accounted  for  as  due  to  this  sound-change. 
The  etymological  spelling  with  I  is  kept  very  long  in  A.N.  u  does 
not  become  general  until  the  13th  and  14th  cent.  Cf.  SUCHIER, 
Les  voyelles  toniques  du  vieux  fran^.,  p.  144;  STIMMING,  p.  210. 
This  fits  in  with  the  circumstance  that  I  for  u  in  English 
place-names  is  of  sporadic  occurrence  until  the  13th  cent.,  when 
it  becomes  much  more  usual.  In  the  2nd  vol.  of  the  F.A.  9 
out  of  17  places  in  feld  occur  only  with  /-forms,  one  only  with 
u- forms;  for  the  remaining  names  we  have  found  both  I-  and  u~ 
forms.  It  goes  without  saying  that,  though  I  was  orthographically 
retained  in  A.N.,  it  nevertheless  was  pronounced  u.  Cf.  the  variant 
spellings  of  the  River  Eaulne  in  Benoit,  v.  21372:  JEvne,  Elne, 
Eiaulne. 


150  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

From  the  earliest  time  loss  of  u  <  I  before  a  consonant  is 
attested  in  A.N.  In  one  and  the  same  text  we  find  instances  of 
loss  as  well  as  of  I  >  u.  Cf.  MENGER.  p.  85.  The  loss  seems  to 
have  been  general  after  i,  u  (<  Lat.  u),  e  (<.  Lat.  a),  but  is  well 
instanced  also  after  other  vowels.  Cf.  STIMMING,  p.  .211;  MENGER, 
p.  85  f. 

This  phenomenon  appears,  though  more  rarely,  in  English 
place-names,  and  is  particularly  well  attested  in  examples  from 
D.B.  We  are  well  aware  that  some  of  the  instances  of  loss  given 
in  list  B  may  be  explained  as  due  to  dissimilation,  but  as  so  many 
remain  which  do  not  admit  such  an  explanation,  we  have  not 
considered  it  necessary  to  distinguish  between  the  two. 

The  following  cases  of  addition  of  an  unetymological  I  may 
be  adduced  as  a  further  proof  of  loss  having  taken  place :  Olpessa  \ 
Exou  D.B.,  Ulpesse,  Exchequer,  D.B.  =  Up  Exe  (Dv.),  Opexe,  Upexe, 
F.A.  <  O.E.  up,  Mdf.,  p.  142;  Fulsescote,  D.B.  =  Foxcott  (Ha.), 
Foxcote  (1316,  46),  F.A.  <  O.E.  fox,  Mdf.,  p.  53  (s  for  x  may  be 
another  A.N.  peculiarity);  Holstune,  D.B.  (s  =  (•/))  =  Hough  ton 
(Ha),  Hocthon,  Ch.R.  II,  Hough-,  ffoghton,  F.A.  <  O.E.  hoh,  Mdf., 
p.  75;  Horsted,  -stdd,  Fr.Ch.  =  Horstead  (Nf.),  Horstede,  H.R.  < 
O.E.  stede,  Mdf.,  p.  125;  Falvesham,  R.B.  =  Faveraham  (Ke.)  < 
O.E.  Faures(feld),  A.S.  Chr.;  07/oro,  Fr.Ch.  =  Offham  (8s.),  Of- 
ham  (1200),  Index  <  O.E.  0/a  Searle. 

In  this  place  a  few  instances  of  loss  from  O.Fr.  works  may 
also  be  quoted:  Suefoc,  Sufoche,  Rou;  v.  7737  =  Suffolk;  Norfoc, 
•foche,  ib.,  v.  7738  =  Norfolk;  Watehan,  ib.,  v.  8994  =  Waltham 
(Es.);  Gedefort,  Geldefort,  ib.,  v.  4722  =  Guildford  (Sr.)  (Guill.  le 
Mar.,  v.  13801,  has  Geudefort);  Mammesbere,  Guill.  le  Mar.,  v. 
15257  =  Malmesbury  (Wl.). 

Between  O.Fr.  ^  and  /  -f-  cons,  a  was  developed  as  a  glide. 
The  new  combination  is  orthographically  represented  by  eal,  eau, 
at,  au.  Often  el  is  kept,  more  seldom  —  and,  as  it  seems,  hardly 
ever  except  in  the  A.N.  dialect  -  -  we  find  eu.  All  the  above- 
mentioned  spellings  are  to  be  found  in  our  earliest  A.N.  texts. 
Cf.  SUCHIER,  Les  voyelles  etc.,  p.  151  ff.;  MENGER,  p.  59.  Under 

That  I  in  Olpessa  etc.  is  inorganic,  and  does  not  stand  for  ou  =  0, 
is  the  more  probable  as  ou  for  o  was  rarely  used  in  A.N.;  it  hardly  even 
appears  in  the  earliest  texts.  Cf.  MENGER,  p.  67.  STOLZE,  pp.  19,  20  f., 
records  no  single  instance  of  ou  for  O.E.  ft,  o  in  D.B. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names 


151 


such  circumstances  we  need  not  hesitate  to  ascribe  to  French  in- 
luence    such    forms    as    Halmelac,   Aunestowe,  Feutewell,  Beautes- 
Jord,  and  others  recorded  in  list  A  2  b. 

In  no  instance  have  the  French  forms  prevailed.  As  to 
Celtone  D.B.  =  Chawton  (Ha.)  (A  2  b)  we  have  already  hinted  at  the 
possibility  of  el  being  an  inverted  spelling  for  au.  In  this  par- 
ticular case  we  have,  moreover,  not  been  able  to  ascertain  if  the 
identification  is  absolutely  certain.  On  the  change  of  Dunelme 
>  Durelme  >Dureaume  >  Duram,  cf.  §  7  B.,  p.  134  f. 

NOTE.  Loss  of  I  in  the  present  pronunciation  of  Wymondley  (Ht.) 
(B  4),  Hemswell  (Li.)  (A  2  b),  Calne  (Wl.)  (B  1)  (pron.  without  I,  according  to 
GRUNING,  p.  22)  is,  no  doubt,  of  a  comparatively  recent  date,  and  by  no 
means  due  to  A.N.  influence.  In  the  first  two  cases  dissimilation  may  have 
caused  the  loss;  besides,  there  are  instances  of  the  groups  Im,  In  having 
been  simplified  in  English  independent  of  dissimilatory  influences.  Cf.  on 
this  point  EKWALL,  Jones's  Phonography  §§  571,  577. 

In  the  case  of  Helmsley  (Yo.)  the  A.N.  forms  are  exceedingly 
well  represented  *.  Hamelac  etc.  is  often  found  as  late  as  the 
14th  cent.  In  Camden  II,  p.  912,  the  place  in  question  is  called 
Elmesley  and  Hamlak.  In  the  first  element  the  following  stages 
of  development  are  represented:  Helm  >  Heaum  >  Haum  >  Ham 
with  loss  of  u.  The  second  element  is  obviously  O.E.  ledh,  ledge, 
leh,  lege,  which  was  turned  into  lac,  lee  by  the  Normans  2.  To 
account  for  lac  <  leh,  lege  two  explanations  seem  to  be  equally 
>ossible:  (1)  lac,  lee  may  be  taken  to  represent  the  nominative  leh, 
in  which  case  Norman  Jc  has  been  substituted  for  English  (x)3.  (2) 
If  we  start  from  the  oblique  cases,  lac  may  as  well  be  a  Latini- 
zed form  of  lege,  leie.  Cf.  Gurnai  =  Gornaco  (pers.name),  R.B.  4. 


1  In    the  immediate  neighbourhood  are  still  to  be  found  the  ruins  of 
[elmsley  castle,  constructed  in  the  12th  cent.;  BARTH. 

2  In  Gaimar,  v.  6448  L,  Helmeslac  rhymes  with  Espac  (a  pers.  name). 

3  A  similar  substitution  is  indicated  by  such  D.B.  spellings  as  Pochelac 
Pockley    (Yo.);    Asmundrelac  =  Osmotherley    (Yo.);    Wisoc  =  Wysall    (Nt.) 

(I  is  a  later  addition),    Wishoiv,    -owe,    F.A.;    as    probably    also  by  Spelehot  = 
Spelho  Hundred  (Np.),  Spelhoh  (107B),  Geld.  Inq.,  and  Caissot  =  Keysoe  (Bd.). 
so,    t  in  the  two  latter  cases  is  a  mistake  for  c.     On  the  other  hand,  -ot 
my  also  be  the  French  diminutive  suffix. 

4  The  Celtic  base  acum  is  of  frequent  occurrence  in  French  place-names, 
id  results  in  ay,  ey  in  the  North  of  France.     Cf.  QUICHERAT,  p.  41. 


152  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

That  official  Latin  forms,  like  Hamelac  for  *Hamelei,  may  be 
adopted  into  the  spoken  language,  and  even  eventually  supersede 
the  phonetic  forms,  is  proved  fully  by  the  occurrence  of  parallel 
cases.  Thus  Mod.  Fr.  Orleans  for  O.Fr.  Orliens,  -Quill,  le  Mar., 
v.  4490,  etc.  <  Lat.  Aurelianum,  is  due  to  the  influence  of  the 
Latin  ending  -ianum  (cf.  MEYER-LUBKE,  Einfuhrung  in  das  Stud, 
der  rom.  Sprachwissenschaft,  p.  194),  and  in  the  English  place- 
nomenclature  we  may  point  out  two  cases  where  the  whole 
name  appears  in  a  true  Latin  form,  viz.  Pontefract  or  Pomfret 
(Yo.),  Melsa  or  Meaux  (Yo.)f 

NOTE  1.  A  perfect  analogy  to  the  treatment  of  the  second  element  of 
Helmsley  is  offered  by  the  following  early  references  for  Beverley  (Yo.)r 
Beureli,  D.B.;  Beverlacum  (c.  1199),  Fr.Ch.;  Beverley  (John),  Yo.  P.F.;  Bever- 
lacensis  (1286),  Beverlacum  (1305),  Beverley  Chapter  Act  Book  (Surtees  Soc., 
1898);  Beverli,  Kievaux  Ch.;  Beverlacum,  Yo.  N.V.  Forms  like  Beverlay:  layy 
Beverle:  pre,  R.Br.  p.  29,  p.  235,  point  to  an  O.E.  ground-form  left,  le,  lege. 
Beoferlic,  A.S.  Chr.,  may  he  due  to  the  Latinizing  of  such  a  form  as  Beureli, 
D.B.,  where  unetymological  -li  has  been  substituted  for  -ley 1.  TAYLOR, 
Names,  p.  68,  is  considerably  disturbed  by  the  forms  Beoferlic  and  Bever- 
lac.  He  points  to  a  hypothetic  Celtic  ground-form  * Pedwarllech.  Our  expla- 
nation solves  every  difficulty,  as  far  as  the  forms  -lac,  -ley  are  concerned, 
though  we  admit  that  Beoferlic,  A.S.  Chr.,  complicates  matters.  To  assume 
French  influence  on  the  forms  of  personal-names  and  place-names  in  the 
later  MSS.  of  the  A.S.  Chr.  is,  however,  quite  permissible.  We  have  had 
occasion  more  than  once  to  dwell  upon  such  forms,  and  a  thorough  special 
investigation  might  perhaps  bring  forth  more  instances  of  the  same  kind. 

NOTE  2.  STOLZE,  p.  38,  adduces  some  instances  of  I  having  been 
dropped  in  weak-stressed  position,  which  in  his  opinion  are  due  to  mere 
carelessness  of  the  scribes.  In  consideration  of  the  great  number  of  similar 
instances  we  would  rather  suggest  that  the  phenomenon  in  question  reflects 
an  A.N.  phonetic  tendency,  by  means  of  which  the  combination  /-[-cons,  is 
avoided.  We  must  keep  in  mind  that  the  change  of  I  >  u  took  place  also 
in  weak-stressed  position.  On  the  other  hand,  unstressed  I  before  a  cons, 
was  sometimes  lost  in  English  itself,  though  we  do  not  yet  know  under 
what  circumstances  this  loss  took  place.  Without  presuming  to  decide  in 


1  Cf.  Catereio,  Cetereio  by  the  side  of  Ceterio,  LEI.  <  O.E.  Ceateric, 
Thorpe  =  Chatteris  (Ob.).  Is  this  curious  interchange  due  to  the  analogy  of 
such  French  forms  as  Abbaneio,  Aubeny,  R.B.,  Albineium  (1108),  Aubeni 
(1160)  =  Aubigny  (Calvados);  Aniseium  (1198),  Anisie  (1155)  =  Anisy  (Calv.), 
Aguerneium  (1180),  Agerni  (1190)  =  Anguerny  (Calv.)  (see  Dictionnaire  Topogr. 
du  Calv.)  <  Celtic  -iacum,  which  on  Norman  territory  seems  to  have  given 
both  -ei  and  -».  Cf.  QUICHERAT,  p.  37. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  153 

each  particular  case  whether  the  loss  is  due  to  French  influence  or  to  Eng- 
lish sound-development,  we  will  content  ourselves  with  adducing  some  instances 
calculated  to  illustrate  the  loss.  The  chronology  may  sometimes  serve  as  a 
criterion.  If  the  occurrence  of  forms  without  I  is  confined  to  D.B.  and  other 
early  Anglo-Latin  records  French  influence  is  highly  probable,  whereas  it 
must  be  altogether  out  of  the  question  when  the  loss  is  not  evidenced  until 
the  14th  and  15th  cent.  We  have  noted  the  following  cases:  Liticote,  Fr.Ch. 
=  Littlecote  (Bu.)  <  O.E.  lytel,  Mdf.,  p.  90;  Witesie,  D.B.  =  Whittlesea  (Cb.), 
Witleseye  (1389)  (Conybeare's  Cbs.,  p.  147)  <  O.E.  *Hwitel  (cf.  SKEAT,  Pl.-Ns. 
of  Cb.,  p.  55);  Cingefort,  D.B.,  Chinge-,  Chingelford,  H.R.,  Chinkeford  (1279—88), 
C.R.  =  Chingford  (Es.),  Chyngelford  (1288—96),  C.R.,  Shingelford  (1346),  F.A.; 
Pritteuuella  D.B.,  Prit-,  Pritewell  (13  c.,  15  c.,  17  c.),  Index  =  Prittlewell  (Es.), 
Pritelwelle,  H.R.,  Pritelewell,  F.A.;  Brempschott  (1428),  F.A.  ==  Bramshot  (Ha.), 
Brembelshute  (1316),  F.A.  <  O.E.  brembel,  Mdf.,  p.  17;  Puteorde,  Puteleorde, 
D.B.  =  Prittleworth  (Ha.);  Fengesham  (1206),  Ke.  P.F.  =  Finglesham  (Ke.)< 
O.E.  fenglesham  (c.  831),  Index;  Stapeford,  Fr.Ch.  =  Stapleford  (Le.),  Estaple- 
ford,  Fr.Ch.  <  O.E.  stapol,  Mdf.,  p.  123;  Brokesby,  F.A.  =  Brocklesby  (Li.), 
Brochelesbi,  D.B.,  Broclesby,  T.N.,  Brokelesby,  F.A.;  Hundebi,  D.B.  =  Hundleby 
(Li.),  Hundelbia  (1145),  Index,  Hundelby  (14  c.),  Index,  F.A.;  Cringaforda, 
Kri'gelforda,  D.B.  =  Cringleford  (Nf.),  Cryngylford  (14  c.,  15  c.);  Esbece,  D.B. 
=  Haselbeech  (Np.),  Haselbech,  Np.S.  <  O.E.,  hcesel,  Mdf.,  p.  66;  Hangetone, 
D.B.  =  Hangleton  (8s.),  Hangel-,  Hangleton,  T.N.;  Chinewrde,  D.B.  =  Kenilworth 
(Wa.),  Kenileivorth,  Ch.R.  I  <  O.E.  Cinildewyrth,  according  to  TAYLOB,  Names, 
p.  160;  Hasbury  (Wo.),  Haselburi  (13  c.,  14  c.)  (cf.  DUIGNAN,  Wo.  Pl.Ns.,  p.  78); 
Huerleberie,  D.B.  =  Hartlebury  (Wo.)<  O.E.  Heortldbyrig ,  Birch  360,  361; 
Eybecestre  (1232—74),  P.R.  =  Ribchester  (Yo.),  Ribelcastre,  D.B.;  Crigestone, 
D.B.  =  Crigglestone  (Yo.),  Crigleston  (1191),  Yo.  P.F. 


§  9.     a  before  nasal  groups  becomes  au. 

After  the  year  1250  the  spelling  aun  for  an  appears  in 
nearly  all  English  place-names  exhibiting  this  sound-combination. 
We  will  therefore  content  ourselves  with  adducing  some  instances 
where  the  forms  in  au  have  been  retained  either  in  spelling  or 
in  pronunciation. 

1.  Saunderton  (Bu.).  2,  Cambridge  (Cb.)<  O.E.  Grantebrycg,  A.S. 
Chr.  3.  Launceston  (Co.),  > Lanstupha don,  i.e.  the  Church  of  Stephen,  com- 
monly call'd  Laumton*  (CAMDEN  I,  p.  25);  »a  corruption  of  Lan-  Stephen- 
dun,  'the  hill  by  St.  Stephen's  Church',  an  adjacent  monastery  being  dedicated 
to  St.  Stephen*  (TAYLOB,  Names,  p.  169)  *.  4.  Taunton  (Co.)  <  O.E.  Tantun, 


1  Launceston  (formerly  Dunneheved)  was  the  ancient  capital  of  Co.  At 
the  time  of  the  Conquest  it  contained  a  famous  castle,  and  was  also  the 
seat  of  an  Augustinian  priory;  BAETH. 


154  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

A.S.  Chr.,  Thorpe1.  5.  Penzance  (Co.),  »means  'Saint's  head'  or  'holy  head' 
from  a  chapel  dedicated  to  St.  Anthony >  (TAYLOR,  Names,  p.  220).  6. 
Saunton  (Dv.)  <  O.E.  sand,  Mdf.,  p.  109.  7.  Braunton  (Dv.)  <  O.E.  brant, 
Mdf.,  p.  17.  8.  Caundle  (Do.)?  <  O.E.  candel,  Mdf.,  p.  24.  9.  Staunton  (Gl.) 

<  O.E.  stem,  Mdf.,  p.  122.      1  O.    Staunton  (He.)  <  O.E.  stun.     1  1 .  Braunce- 
well  (Li.).    12.  Braunston  (Np.),  probably  <  O.E.  Brand,  Searle.    13.  Saundby 
(Nt.)  <  O.E.    sand.     1 4.    Staunton    (Nt.)  <  O.E.    stdn.      1  5.    Staunton    (Wo.) 

<  O.E.  Stan  tune,  Birch  1281. 

D.B.  Santesdune1,  Lancavetone* ,  Santone9,  Brantone1,  Candel*, 
Stantune9,  Standone10,  Branzeuuelle11,  SandeU™. 

12th  c.  —  Index.  Santersdune1  (Hen.  II.).  Pi.R.  Cantdbrigia*,  Lanzauenton* 
(1189—90),  Branton1  (1184). 

13th  c.  —  C.B.  Cantebrug*  (1218),  Lanzaveton*  (31—34),  Tanton*  (31—34). 
Oh.R.  Laustaneton3  (1229),  Bramton1  (1229),  Braundeston1*  II. 
F.A.  Staunton9  (1284).  H.K.  Sant'sdon1,  Lancaneton3,  Branton\ 
Stanton?,Brancewelln.  Index.  Kandel*,  Cmmde/8  (1280).  P.B.  Lan- 
caveton*  (32 — 47),  Tanton*  (ib.).  K.B.  Lansanestone*,  Lanceneton9, 
Landstanelle*.  B.G-1.  Grauntebrtigge*,  v.  132.  T.N.  Sant'don1, 
Sauntesdon*,  Castrum  de  Landstavesfs,  Landstanest's,  Branton1, 
Brampton\  Stanton*,  Sandeby13,  Stan-,  Staunton1*.  Wo.  S.B. 
Stantone16  (1275)  (see  DUIGNAN,  Wo.  Pl.Ns.;  p.  153). 

14th  c.  —  F.A.  Sauntdresdone1  (1302),  Sauntresdene*  (1346),  Staunton9  (1316), 
Staunton10  (1316,  46),  Braunceswett11  (1303,  46),  Braundeston1* 
(1346),  Saundeby13  (1302,  16).  Index.  Saundreton*  (1317),  Saun- 
dreston1  (1389),  Launceton*  (1369),  Brampton1  (1322). 

15th  c.  —  F.A.  Lanceston3  (1428),  Stanton9  (1402),  Staunton9  (1428,  31), 
Staunton10  (1431),  Braundeston1*,  Saunby}3  (1428).  I.P.M.  Saunton* 
(Hen.  VII.),  Brampton'1  (ib.),  Caundell*  (ib.).  Index.  Caundell* 
(1419)  Paston  Letters.  Kawm-,  Caumbrege*  (cf.  NEUMANN, 
pp.  21,  22). 

16th  c.  —  Index.     Lanceston3  (1573),  Pensaunce*  (1552). 

In  M.E.  as  well  as  A.N.  texts  from  the  middle  of  the 
13th  cent,  downward  we  often  find  the  spelling  au  +  nasal  + 
cons,  in  words  containing  an  original  a.  This  spelling  is  in 
English  mainly  confined  to  French  loan-words,  though  it  also 
occurs  in  some  words  of  native  origin.  In  the  Orthographica 
Gallica,  an  A.N.  spelling-book  of  the  13th  or  14th  cent.,  we  are 
expressly  told  that  the  value  of  this  spelling  was  aun.  Cf. 
STOKZINGER,  p.  19.  Statements  to  the  same  effect  are  made  by 

1  Taunton  is  a  very  ancient  place,  and  was  a  favourite  residence  of 
the  West  Saxon  kings.  Its  castle,  now  used  as  a  museum,  was  founded 
about  700  A.D.;  EARTH. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  155 

the  English  orthoepists  of  the  16th  cent.    Of.  LUICK,  Anglia  XVI, 
p.  480. 

This  au  has  in  Modern  English  given  different  results  be- 
fore different  consonantal  combinations: 

1.  (ei)  before  mb,  as  in   »chamber». 

2.  (aa),  (oo)  before  nt,  nd,  as  in  »aunt»,   » grant »;  »haunt», 
»taunt»  -  -  »demand»,   »slander»;   »Maundy  Thursday*. 

3.  (aa)  before  ns,  as  in  »chance»,   »dance». 

It  is,  however,  not  to  be  forgotten  that  in  a  few  English 
words  (»answer»,  »ant»  etc.)  we  find  the  same  sound-development  as 
in  the  French  loan-words,  according  to  Sweet,  H.E.S.  §  860,  due 
to  the  analogy  of  the  numerous  French  words  with  ant,  ans. 

To  judge  by  the  present  orthography,  most  English  place- 
names  of  the  kind  here  in  question  have  been  developed  accor- 
ding to  English  sound-laws.  Bartholomew's  Gazetteer  has  about 
40  Stantons  and  only  9  Stauntons,  several  scores  of  places  be- 
ginning with  Sand-  against  7  in  Saund-,  14  Brans-  against  4 
Brauns-  etc.  The  comparatively  small  number  of  forms  with  au 
is,  however,  sufficient  to  prove  that  A.N.  forms  have  been 
adopted  in  spelling  and  pronunciation,  and  often  superseded  the 
native  ones. 

Where  such  has  been  the  case  the  result  of  the  further 
development  of  au  has  been  the  same  as  in  the  French  loan- 
words: 

1.     (ei)  in  Cambridge,  pron.  (keimbrid}),  Tanger. 

2-.  (aa)  in  Staunton,  pron.  (staanten),  Tanger 1,  Launce- 
ston,  pron.  (laansten),  Tanger,  Peuzance,  sometimes  pron.  (pen- 
zaans)  2. 

3.     (oo)  in  Taunton,  pron.  (toontan),  Tanger. 

Though  we  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain  the  pron.  of 
Braunton,  Saunton,  Caundle  etc.,  we  are  hardly  much  mistaken 

1  Close    to    the    village    of    Staunton    (Wo.)   there    is    a  manor-house, 
Staunton  Hall,  which  has  belonged  to  the  family  of  Staunton  ever  since  the 
Norman    Conquest.     It  is,  indeed,  very  probable  that  the  name  of  the  place 
owes  its  present  spelling  and  pronunciation  to  the  family-name.   Cf.  Introduc- 
tion, p.  15.    In  like  manner  Saunderton  (Bu.)  may  have  been  influenced  by  the 
family-name  Saunders,  pron.  (saandaz),  Tanger  <:  Alisaundre.    Cf.  BAKDSLEY'S 
Die.,  p.  668. 

2  Prof.    Ekwall    kindly    informs  me  that  the  local  pron.  is  (penzams); 
this  being  so  (penzaans)  is,  no  doubt,  a  mere  spelling-pron. 


156  K.  E.  Zachrisson 

in  assuming  that  (se)  is  the  local  proii.,  (oo)  or  (aa)  the  one  used 
by  people  unacquainted  with  the  respective  localities  (spelling- 
pron.).  As  a  matter  of  fact,  several  Stauntons  are  locally  pro- 
nounced (staentan),  see  Tanger,  Hope.  In  Magna  Britannia  and 
Catnden  we  often  find  the  spelling  a  where  a  modern  Gazetteer 
has  au,  a  circumstance  which  also  seems  to  indicate  a  local 
pronunciation  (se):  Saunderton  =  Sanderton,.  M.Br.,  Senderton, 
Camden;  Saunton  =  Santon,  M.Br.;  Braunton  =  Branton,  M.Br., 
Camden;  Brauncewell  =  Branswell,  M.Br.,  Camden;  Saundby  = 
Sandeby,  M.Br.;  Staunton  (He.)  =  Stanton,  Camden.  In  many  of 
these  cases  present  au  may  be  considered  as  an  archaic  spelling, 
a  remainder  from  that  time  (13th — 16th  c.)  when  in  the  La- 
tin and  English  records  the  A.N.  au-  forms  were  much  more 
widely  diffused  than  they  are  now. 

In  several  Mod.  English  dialects,  especially  in  the  Midlands,  O.E. 
a,  o  appears  as  o  before  a  nasal  (Cf.  E.D.Gr.  §  30  f.),  and  au 
in  the  present  spelling  may  sometimes  very  well  be  a  symbol  of 
this  sound  1.  That  such  is  not  the  case  in  the  instances  treated 
of  above  is  clearly  shown  by  the  circumstance  that  au  makes  its 
first  appearance  at  the  same  time  as  in  the  French  loan-words, 
and  is,  moreover,  not  confined  to  any  dialect,  but  is  to  be  found 
all  over  the  country. 


§  10.     Change  of  (t/)  >  (/). 

1 .  Chalfont  (Bu.).  2.  Chelmorton  (Db.)  <  O.E.  Ceolmcer,  Searle.  3. 
Chesterfield  (Db.)  <  O.E.  ceaster,  cester.  4.  Chelborough  (Do.)  <  O.E.  Ceol, 
Searle.  5.  Chingford  (Es.).  6.  Chedworth  (Gl.)  <  O.E.  Cedda,  Searle.  7. 
Churchdown  (Gl.)  <  O.E.  cyrice,  Mdf.,  p.  37.  8.  Charlton  (Ha.).  9.  Chart- 
ham  (Ke.)  <  O.E.  ceart,  cert,  Mdf.,  p.  26.  1O.  Charwelton  (Np.).  1 1.  Checken- 
don  (Ox.)  <  O.E.  Ccecca,  Searle.  1  2.  Chipstead  (Sr.). 

13th  c.  —  F.A.  Shedeworth*  (1284),  Ghertheham9  (1284),  Chakendon11  (1284). 
H.R.  Chingc-,  Chingelford*.  Index.  Chalfhunte1  (1208),  Cherte- 
ham9  (1263),  Scharwelton10  (Hen.  III.),  Chanvilton™  (1203),  Chep- 
sted™  (1250). 


1  Cf.  Launton  (Ox.),  Langtun  (1066),  Index;  Langetune  (Hen.  III.),  ibid.; 
Langtun,  V.E.  The  present  spelling  seems  to  date  only  from  the  beginning 
of  the  38th  cent  The  transition  of  (g)  >  (n)  is,  no  doubt,  due  to  the  assi- 
milatory  influence  of  the  following  t. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  157 

14th  c.  -  F.A.  Chalfunte*  (1303),  Chalphunte1  (1316),  Chalfhvnte1  (1346), 
Chaster/eld*  (1346),  Schawebe.rgc*  (1303),  Chelbergh*  (1346),  Shingel- 
ford*  (1346),  Chinggeford*  (1303),  Cheddeivorth*  (1303,  46),  Ched- 
worthe6  (1316),  Schurchesdon1  (1303),  Churchesdori1  (1316),  Schalston* 
(1316),  Chalghton*  (1346),  Chertham*  (1316),  Charewelton™  (1316), 
Chakindon11  (1316),  Chakendon11  (1346).  Index.  Shalfount1  (1375), 
Scheilmardori*  (1317),  Chepstede1*  (1365).  Nt.  Bees.  Shasterfeld* 
(c.  1300). 

1  5th  c.  —  F.A.  Chelmardon*  (1431),  Chelburgh*  (1431),  Cheldeborowe*  (1428), 
Chynegford\  (1428),  Churchedon1  (1402),  Chaulton*  (1428),  Cftare- 
t^faw10  (1428),  Shakynden11  (1428).  Index.  Scherthom*  (1423), 
Chipstede"  (1429),  Shipstede1*  (1424). 

In  the  course  of  the  13th  cent.  O.Fr.  (t/)  was  changed  to 
(/).  Cf.  NYROP,  Gramm.  §  402.  The  above  instances  of  s&,  s<?/& 
for  c/i  are,  no  doubt,  due  to  this  sound-development.  In  the 
French  loan-words  in  English  BEHRENS,  p.  178,  notes  several 
instances  of  sc/i  for  c&,  which  really  may  indicate  an  incidental 
pron.  (/)  for  (t/)  in  imitation  of  later  A.N.  habits  of  speech  1. 

The  opposite  phenomenon,  ch  used  for  sh,  sch,  we  have 
also  noted  in  several  cases,  e.g.  Chi/orde,  F.A.  =  ShefTord  (Be.); 
Chelford,  ib.  =  Sheli'ord  (Cb.);  Chettisbeare,  ib.  =  Shittisbeer.(Dv.); 
Cherynge  (14  c.),  ib.  =  Sheering  (Es.);  Chepehale  (14  c.),  ib.  =  Shep- 
hall  (Ht.);  Chymplynge  (1371),  Index  =  Shimpliug  (Sf.);  CUpley 
(1562),  Index  =  Shipley  (Ss.);  Chustoke  (1323),  Index  =  Shu- 
stoke  (Wa.). 

The  spelling  ch  for  sh,  sch  is,  besides,  not  uncommon  either 
in  French  loan-words  (see  BEHRENS,  p.  190)  or  in  native  words. 
See  SWEET,  H.E.S.  §  607;  DIBELIUS,  p.  462;  NEUMANN,  p.  73. 
Cases  of  this  kind  are  probably  to  be  considered  as  inverted 
spellings,  originally  used  by  scribes  who  were  Frenchmen  by 
birth  or  at  least  possessed  some  knowledge  of  the  French 
language. 

We  are  more  surprised  at  finding  sh,  sch  for  ch  in  several 
14th  and  15th  cent,  spellings  of  native  words.  For  instances  see, 
DIBELIUS,  p.  461  f.;  NEUMANN,  p.  88;  HORN,  Gutturallaute,  p.  18. 


1  French  loan-words  in  English  of  early  introduction,  naturally,  keep 
the  old  sound  (t/).  In  dialectal  schesel  (E.  Angl.,  see  E.D.D.),  corresponding 
to  literary  English  » chisel »  <  Picard  chisel,  later  A.N.  (/)  seems,  however,  to 
have  ousted  earlier  (t/).  As  a  personal  name  O.Fr.  chanoine,  chanonis  (plural) 
Oodefroy)  has  survived  to  the  present  day  in  both  forms,,  Shannon  and 
Channon.  See  BARDSLEY'S  Die.,  p.  681. 


168  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

Many  more  are  noted  in  N.E.D.  It  is  very  hard  to  tell  if  we 
here  have  to  do  only  with  faulty  spelling,  caused  by  the  inter- 
change of  ch,  sch  in  words  of  French  origin,  or  if  original  (t/) 
really  had  been  turned  into  (/). 

As  a  matter  of  fact  (/)  does  occasionally  occur  for  (t/)  even 
in  the  South  E.  dialects  where  it  is  not  to  be  accounted  for  as 
a  dialectal  adaptation  of  (t/)  in  Standard  English  Cf.  HORN,  I.e. 
To  explain  South  E.  dial.  (/)  <  (t/)  HORN,  ibid.,  assumes  that  the 
French  loan-words,  have  influenced  the  pron.  of  native  words 
containing  (t/).  However,  owing  to  their  very  sporadic  occurrence, 
it  would  probably  be  safer  to  explain  the  few  cases  which  have 
been  recorded  as  mere  individual  mispronunciations;  in  connected 
speech  (t/)  in  certain  positions  (cf.  below,  (t/)  before  a  consonant) 
may  easily  have  been  assimilated  to  (/).  The  great  acoustic 
resemblance  between  (t/)  and  (/)  is  also  to  be  taken  into  con- 
sideration. 

In  a  few  instances  a  place-name  with  original  ch  =  (t/) 
occurs  in  Mod.  E.  with  sh  =(/)1: 

Fiendish  Hundred  (Cb.);  Flamingdice,  D.B.,  Flammigedic, 
flamingedich,  Inq.  EL,  Flemedich  (1158),  Pi.R.,  Flemdiche  (1302), 
F.A.  <  O.E.  die.  The  true  English  form  is  kept  in  Fleam  Dike, 
cf.  SKEAT,  Cb.  Pl.-Ns.,  p.  40  f. 

Lashbrook  (Dv.),  Lachebroc,  D.B.?  Lecchebrok,  Lachebroch, 
F.A.,  possibly  <  O.E.  lace,  Mdf.,  p.  85. 

Washlingston  Hundred  (Ke.),  Wacheleston,  D.B.,  Wechelstone 
(1316),  Wachelstane  (1346),  F.A.,  WatMingston  (1587),  Index;  cf. 
O.E.  wcecel,  wacel,  Mdf.  p.  140. 

1  In  Shelmerdine,  a  personal  name  derived  from  a  locality,  present 
sh  stands  for  earlier  ch.  BARDSLEY,  Die.  p.  683,  who  gives  some  late  refe- 
rences for  the  word,  is  unable  to  find  the  spot,  but  remarks  that  the  habitat 
must  be  sought  for  in  S.  Lane,  or  E.  Chesh.  We  do  not  hesitate  to  identify 
Shelmerdine  with  Chelmorton,  a  town  in  the  adjacent  part  of  Derbyshire, 
of  which,  besides  numerous  forms  in  ch  (Chelmerden,  Cheilmardon,  Chelmordon, 
Index),  we  have  also  found  one  in  sh,  viz.  Scheilmardon  (1317),  Index. 
The  etymology  is  obviously  O.E.  Ceolmcer  (cf.  above),  and  sh  in  the  present 
spelling  and  pron.  of  the  personal  name  is,  in  all  probability,  due  to  French 
influence.  On  the  other  hand,  several  instances  where  present  sh  is  explained 
by  BARDSLEY  as  due  to  earlier  ch  are  wrong.  Sherrington  and  Shillingford 
(see  Bardsley,  p.  685)  must  by  no  means  be  derived  from  *Cherrington, 
*Chillingford,  as  the  early  forms  of  the  corresponding  localities  exhibit 
nothing  but  s,  sch,  sh. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names  159 

Washford  (Sin.),  Wachetford  (1367),  Index;  cf.  Watchet  (Srn.)> 
Weced,  Wceced,  A.S.  Chr.,  Wechet,  Wachet  (13  c.),  H.R.,  Index. 

Wishford  (WL),  Wicheford,  D.B.,  Wyche-,  Wichford,  H.R.r 
T.N.,  Wiche-,  Wichford,  Ch.R.  I,  II,  Wichford  (1351),  Index, 
Wycheford  (1445),  ib.,  Wyssheford  (1513),  ib.,  Wisheford  (Hen. 
VII.),  I-P.M.  All  the  old  forms  point  to  original  ch,  probably 
O.E.  tvic. 

Etchilhainpton  (Wl.);  locally  pron.  »Ashelton»,  »Ashlington» 
(see  JONES,  Domesday  Book  for  WL,  p.  213),  Eckel-,  Hechelhampton, 
H.R.,  Hechelhampton  (1318—23),  C.R.,  Echel-,  HecMampton  (Hen, 
VII.),  I.P.M. 

Sharncott1  (Wl.),  Cernecote  (1327—  30),  C.R.,  Cernecote  (1536), 
Index,  Sharncote,  Camden,  on  the  map  of  Wl.  This  little  place 
is  situated  on  the  Churne,  from  which  it  seems  to  have  derived 
its  name  2.  The  forms  Sharncote,  Cernecote  presuppose  the  fol- 
lowing development: 

O.E.  *Cirencote  >  M.E.     *™™>  Sharncote. 


To  account  for  the  above  instances  of  (/)  <  (t/)  French 
influence  can  hardly  be  assumed  but  in  the  case  of  Sharncott, 
supposing  our  guess  at  the  etymology  to  be  correct.  It  is  remark- 
able that  in  nearly  all  the  remaining  cases  3  ch  was  followed 
by  a  consonant,  and  a  transition  of  ch  >  sh  before  a  consonant 
seems  very  plausible. 

This  leaves  us  with  Fiendish  unexplained.  It  would  perhaps 
not  be  impossible  to  assume  confusion  with  O.E.  disc,  which, 
according  to  SKEAT,  Bd.  Pl.-Ns.  (see  under  Farndish),  occurs  in 
English  place-names  in  the  sense  of  »cup» 


1  To  be  kept  apart  from  Sharcott  (Wl.)  near  Pewsey. 

2  Charmouth  (Do.)  appears  in  old  spellings  as  Chernemeive,  Charnemouth, 
F.A.,    Cernemue,    Ch.R.    II.     Cf.    also    such   French  forms  as  Cernay,  Charny 
(see  Die.  Topogr.)  =  Cernay  (Marne). 

8  The  two  places  Chatton  and  Chillingham,  both  of  them  situated  in 
Northumberland,  are  dialectally  pronounced  with  (/)  (see  ELLIS,  English 
Dial.  Soc.  50,  p.  128),  which  here,  no  doubt,  is  best  explained  as  a  dialectal 
adaptation  of  the  Standard  pronunciation. 

4  Cf.  Farndish  (Bd.),  Fernadis,  D.B.,  Farnesdisch,  T.N.,  Farnedis,  -Aiche, 
-dich,  F.A.;  Bendish  (Ht.),  Benedis,  D.B.;  Standish  (Gl.),  Stanedis,  D.B.,  Stanedix 
(c.  1200),  Gl.  Recs.,  Stanedis  (1260),  ib.,  Stanedyssh,  -dich  (1290),  ib.,  Standyshe 
(1551),  ib. 


160  R.  E.  Zachrisson 

this  particular  case  there  is  another  way  of  accounting  for  the 
change.  The  mere  circumstance  that  in  the  M.E.  spellings  of 
place-names  -is  could  stand  for  -iz  <  -ich  (by  A.N.  sound- 
suhstitution,  see  §  1  list  C,  p.  22),  as  well  as  -ish,  might  easily 
have  induced  a  scribe  to  put  -ish  for  -ich,  and  vice- versa.  And 
such  a  form,  which  owes  its  existence  to  a  scribal  error,  may 
have'  succeeded  in  superseding  the  etymological  one. 

A  few  instances  may  be  adduced  to  show  what  important 
part  spelling  plays  in  a  case  like  this.  Of  Barton  Bendish,  a 
small  place  in  Nf.,  we  have  ascertained  the  following  early  forms: 
Bynedich  (1316),  F.A.,  Bendyssh  (1467—77),  P.R.  On  so  little 
evidence  it  is  quite  impossible  to  decide  which  of  the  forms  is 
the  original  one.  (Byne)dich,  F.A.,  points  to  O.E.  -die,  though, 
for  all  we  know,  -disc  may  really  be  the  true  etymology.  Only 
a  sufficient  number  of  early  references  could  decide  the  question. 
Nothing  but  modern  -idge,  which,  at  least  from  a  phonetic 
point  of  view,  cannot  be  due  to  -ish,  makes  us  assume  original 
ch  for  the  following  places:  Pentridge  (Do.),  Pentrich  (1303), 
Pentryssh  (1346),  F.A.;  Whitnage  (in  Uplowman,  Dv.),  Witenes, 
D.B.,  Wkytmeih  (th=ich),  T.N.,  Hwytenych  (1316),  F.A.,  Wytenisshe 
(1346),  ib.  -  -  In  Cranwich  (Nf.)  etymological  sc,  sch  has,  at  least 
in  the  spelling,  been  ousted  by  ch.  All  the  early  spellings  of 
the  name  of  this  place  exhibit  -isse,  -ys  -ysh  etc.1,  and,  according 
to  Hope,  it  is  still  dialectally  pronounced  with  s.  Two  forms  in 
•iz  from  the  F.A.  give  us  the  clue  to  the  transformation.  This 
-iz  may  originally  have  been  a  spelling  for  -is;  however,  to  French 
-iz  corresponded  very  often  English  -ich,  hence  the  modern  form. 

NOTE.  Perhaps  this  whole  question  is  in  some  way  connected  with  the  cur- 
ious interchange  of  the  endings  -is,  -ich,  -ish,  -idge  which  has  been  noted  in  several 
English  words.  Thus  >  notice  >  and  » rubbish »  appear  in  several  dialects  with 
-idge.  See  E.D.D.  On  the  other  hand  -ish  sometimes  appears  for  -idge,  an  in 
podish  for  >porridge>,  demish  for  »damage».  See  N.E.D.  and  E.D.D. 

In  the  place-name  Sundridge  (Ke.)  earlier  -esh  -ish  has,  in  a  similar 
manner,  been  replaced  by  -idge.  Old  forms  are  Sunderhirse  (1072),  Index, 
Sonderesse,  D.B.,  Sunderesshe  (1316),  F.A.,  Sonderershe  (1346),  ib.,  Sundrisse, 
Sundrissh  (1461—67),  P.R.  Our  first  reference  for  -idge  is  Sundrygge  (Hen. 
VII.),  I.P.M.,  by  the  side  of  Sondrissh,  ib.  BARDSLEY,  Die.,  p.  712,  derives 
Standage,  a  personal  name,  from  Standish. 


1  Such  early  spellings  are  Craneiciase,  D.B.,  Craneivisse,  Creneuuis,  Inq. 
El.,  Cranewes,  Cranewys,  Craneivyz,  Carnuiz,  F.A.,  Cranwyshe  (Hen.  VII.),  I.P.M. 


Index  to  names. 


Only    the    modern    forms    of    the    names    are   given.     The  figures  refer 
to  pages. 

Abbreviations :  f.-n.  =  foot-note;  n.  =  note. 

English  place-names  and  river-names. 


Abbotsley  (Hu.),   113. 

Adling-,   112. 

Admington  (Gl.),   112. 

Albrightlee  (Sh.),   112. 

Albrighton  (Sh.),   112. 

Alconbury  (Hu.).   148. 

Aldersgate  (London),   118. 

Alderwasley  (Db.),   133. 

Aldington  (Ke.),   146. 

Aldrebury  Hundred  (Wl.),   113. 

Aldwark  (Db.),   146. 

Alford  (Li.),   146. 

Allexton  (Le.),   112. 

Ailing-,   112. 

Allington  Hundred  (Ke.),   113. 

Alnmouth  (Nb.),   119. 

Aloes  Bridge  Hundred  (Ke.),    112. 

Alveley  (Es.),   113. 

Amesbury  (WL),   142. 

Ampleforth  (Yo.),   142. 

Amport  (Ha.),   12. 

Ardeley  or  Yardley  (Ht.),   65  n. 

Arlsey  (Bd.),  113,   118. 

Arncliff  (Yo.),  66  n. 

Arrington  (Cb.),   139. 

Ash,  Ash-,   10. 

Ashmansworth  (Ha.),   145. 

Aswardby  (Li.),   128. 

Atchlench  (Wo.),  26. 


Athel-,    111. 
Atherstone  (Sm.),   111. 
Avening  (GL),   140. 
Avon,   142. 
Ayl-,   113. 

Aymestre}?'  (He.),   113. 
Ayot,  95  f.-n. 

Bagtor  (Dv.),  47. 

Barford  (Nf.),   120,   129. 

Barming  (Ke.),   139  f.-n. 

Barton  Bendish  (Nf.),   160. 

Barton-le-Street  (Yo.),   12. 

Bath  (Sm.),  88,   97. 

Beachamptou  (Bu.),   141. 

Beauxfield  or  Whittield   (Ke.),    13. 

Belchford  (Li.),   147. 

Belleau  (Li.),   13,   121. 

Belle  Hatch  (Ox.),  see  Boulney. 

Bendish  (Ht.),   159  f.-n. 

Bengeo  (Ht.),   139. 

Beverley  (Yo.),  27  f.-n.,   152  n. 

Bexhill  (8s.),  147. 

Bicester  (Ox.),  78. 

Bilchester  or  Bilchurst  (Ke.),  81. 

Bircham  Tofts  (Nf.),  68. 

Birchanger  (Es.),   120. 

Bircholt  (Ke.),  38,  148. 

Birmingham  (WTa.),  2. 

11 


162 


R.  E.  Zachrisson 


Blatherwick  (Np.),  87. 

Bletchingley  (Sr.),  21. 

Blymhill  (St.),  121. 

Blyth  (Nt.),  88. 

Bolmer  (Boulmer)  or  Balmer  (8s.), 

121,  129. 

Borstall  (Ke.),   118. 
Boston  (Li.),  3. 
Boulney  (Ox.),  86. 
Bramshot  (Ha.),   153. 
Brauncewell  (Li.),   154,  156. 
Braunston  (Np.),   154. 
Braunton  (Dv.),   154,  156. 
Brickampton  (GL),   134. 
Bridgewater  (8m.),   12. 
Brighthampton  (Ox.),   135. 
Brighthlingsea  (Es.),   120,  131. 
Bristol  (Sm.)f   1  f.,  3. 
Brocklesby  (Li.),   153. 
Buckfast  (Dv.),   142. 
Budleigh  (Dv.),   17. 
Bulkington  (Wa.),   149. 
Bullingtons  in  Bexhill  (Ss.),   139. 
Bunbury  (Ch.),   123. 
By  stock  (Dv.),   118. 

Cadeby  (Li.),   118. 
Caithness  (Scot!.),  24. 
Calbourne  (Ha.),   146. 
Calne  (WL),   148,   151. 
Cambridge    (Cb.),    79    f,    136   ff., 

153  f. 

Camelford  (Co.),   142. 
Cammeringham  (Li.),   54  n.,   139. 
Canewdon  (Es.),   123. 
Canfield  (Es.),   148. 
Cannoc  (St.),  49,   138. 
Canterbury  (Ke.),  24. 
Carbrooke  (Nf.),   121. 
Castlecombe  (Wl.),   11. 
Catehill  (Sr.),  24. 
Catthorpe  (Le.),  41. 
Caundle  (Dv.),  154,  156. 
Cawthorne  (Yo.),  39. 
Cawthorpe  (Li.),  41. 
Cerne  (Do.),   19,  30. 
Cerney  (Gl.),  19,  30. 


-cester,   18/20,  29  f.,  73,  76. 

Chaddesley  (Wo.),   24. 

Chadwick  (Wo.),  24. 

Chagford  (Dv.),  24. 

Cbalfont  (Bu.),   156. 

Chard  (Sm.),  28. 

Charlton  (Ha.),   157. 

Charmouth  (Do.),   159  f.-n. 

Chartham  (Ke.J,   156. 

Charwelton  (Np.),   156. 

Chatteris    (Cb.),    22,    24,    31,   152 

f.-n. 

Chatton  (Nb.),   159  f.-n. 
Chawton  (Ha.),   147,   151. 
Checkendon  (Ox.),   38,   156. 
Cheddar  (Sm.),  28. 
Cheddon  (Sm.),  28. 
Chedgrave  (Nt),  68. 
Chedworth  (GL),   156. 
Chelborough  (Do.),   147,  156. 
Cheldon  (Dv.),  24. 
Chelmorton  (Db.),   156,   158  f.-n. 
Chelsea  (Mi.),  86,   118. 
Chelsfield  (Ke.),   121. 
Chelsham  (Sr.),  25. 
Chelsworth  (Sf.),   136. 
Cheriton  (Ke.),  28. 
Chertsey  (Sr.),  25,  28. 
Chesham  (Bu.),  20. 
Cheshunt  (Ht.),   20. 
Chesilborne  (Do.),  54  n. 
Chester-,    -Chester,   3,   18  f.-n.,  20, 

25    29  f     73 
Chesterfield '(Db.),  156. 
Childerditch  (Es.),  38,   144. 
Childrey  (Be.),  86. 
Chillingham  (Nb.),   159  f.-n. 
Chingford  (Es.),   153,   156. 
Chinnock  (Sm.),  28. 
Chippenham  (Cb.),  25. 
Chipstead  (Sr.),   156. 
Chiselborough  (Sm.),  28. 
Chistlett  (Ke.),  28. 
Chitterne  (WL),  28. 
Chittlehampton  (Dv.),   142. 
Chivelston  (Dv.),   145. 
Church  Lench  (Wo.).  26. 


Anglo-Norrnan  influence  on  English  place-names 


163 


Churchdown  (Gl.),   156. 

Churchill  (Ox.),   28. 

Churchstow  (Dv.),   118. 

Churne  River,   19  f.-n. 

Churnet  River,   19  f.-n. 

Cippenham  (Bu.),   19. 

Cirencester  or  Cicester  (GL),   18  f., 

78  f. 

Clanfield  (Ox.),   138. 
Clavering  (Es.),   140. 
Clawton  (Dv.),   137. 
Cleddau  River  (Pembroke),   138. 
Cleley  Hundred  (Np.),   119. 
Cliff  (Ha.),  68,  70. 
Cliff  (WL),  68. 
Clitherhoe  (La.),   137. 
Clixby  (Li.),   100  f.-n. 
Coberley  (GL),  138. 
Cockerington  (Li.),   139. 
Codrington  (GL),   138,   139. 
Colchester  (Es.).   138. 
Combermere  (Ch.),   16  n. 
Comberton  (Wo.),   16  n. 
Compton  (GL),   16  n. 
Coneyswick  or  Conningswick  (Wo.), 

141. 

Cornwood  (Dv.),   100  f.-n. 
Cossal  (Nt.),  138. 
Coventry  (Wra.),   2. 
Cowfold  (8s.),   146. 
Crambourne  (Ha.),   137. 
Crandon  (Sm.),   137. 
Crane  End  or  Scrane  (Li.),  67,  70. 
Cransford  (Sf.),   137. 
Cranwich  (Nf.),  160. 
Cranworth  (Nf.),   137. 
Craster  (Nb.).   18,   73,   76. 
Greeting  (Sf.),   137. 
Cressingham  (Nf.),  137. 
Cretingham  (Sf.),   137. 
Cricksea  or  Creeksea  (Es.),  86. 
Crigglestone  (Yo.),  68,  72,  137,  153. 
Cringleford  (Nf.),   153. 
Crofton  (Yo.),  68, 
Cromwell  (Nt.),   16  n. 
Crowell  (Ox.),  122. 
Crownthorpe  (Nf.),  82,  f.-n. 


Cruwys-Morchard  (Dv.),  81. 
Cuckamslow  (Be.),  134. 
Cusworth  (Yo.),  68. 
Cuxwold  (Li.),   146. 

Dartford  (Ke.),   43  n. 
Dewlish  (Do.),   128. 
Diss  (Nf.),  22,  31. 
Ditchling  (Ss.),   140. 
Dorset,  43  n.,  78  f.-n. 
Droitwich  (Wo.),  11. 
Duntisbourne  (GL),  43  n. 
Durham  (Du.),  133  ff.,  151. 
Dyse worth  (Le.),  7. 

Earlham  (Nf.),  65  n. 
Easington  (Nb.),  65  n. 
Easthope  (Sh.),  70  f.-n. 
Eastry  (Ke.),   116. 
Easwrith  Hundred  (Ss.),  51. 
Eckington  (Ss.),   72  n.,   141. 
Edington  (WL),  89. 
Edingworth  (Sm.),   65  n. 
Edling-,   112. 
Elberton  (Gl.),   113. 
Eleigh  (Sf.),  94  f.-n. 
Ellastone  (St.),   112. 
Ellerton  (Sh.),   112. 
Ellesmere  (Sh.),   122. 
Elling-,   112. 
Ellingham  (Ha.),   54  n. 
Elmley  Castle  (Wro.),   147. 
Elmsett  (Sf.),  147. 
Elmstead  (Es.),   147. 
Elmsthorpe  (Le.),  113. 
Elmston  (GL),   113. 
Elmstree  (GL),   113. 
Elmton  (Db.),   147. 
Elstow  (Bd.),  147. 
Elton  (Hu.),   112, 
Elvaston  (Db.),   113,   121,   127. 
Epperstone  (Nt.),  68,  70. 
Esher  (Sr.),  143. 
Essex,   10. 

Etchilhampton  (WL),   159. 
Evercreech  (Sm.),  22. 
Everthorpe  (Yo.),  66  n. 


164 


R.  E.  Zachrisson 


Ewhurst  (Sr.),  66  n.,   131   f.-n. 
Exbourne  (Dv.),   118. 
Exeter  (Dv.),  18,  73,  76. 
Exning  (Sf.).   140. 
Eynsford  (Ke.),   123. 
Eynsham  (Ox.),   136. 

Falmere  (Ss.),   122. 
Farmington  (Gl.),  40,   145. 
Farndish  (Bd.),   159  f.-n. 
Faulkbourne  (Es.),   146. 
Favershara  (Ke.),  150. 
Featherstone  (St.),  82,  f.-n.,  87. 
Featherstone  (Yo.),   87. 
Feltwell  (Nf.),   147. 
-field,   146. 

Fillongley  (Wa.),   142. 
Finedon  (Np.),  41. 
Finge(r)st  (Bu.),  41. 
Finglesham  (Ke.),  153. 
Fleam  Dike  (Cb.),   158. 
Fiendish  Hundred  (Cb.),  158,  160. 
Fletching  (Ss.),  21,  38. 
Foxcott  (Ha.),   150. 
Fradley  (St.),   119. 
Framlingham  (Sf.),   139  f.-n. 
Fringford  (Ox.),   139. 

Gamlingay  (Cb.),   138,   139. 
Gelston  (Li.),   138. 
Gentleshaw  (St.),   12. 
Gerse  Hill  (Gl.),  62. 
Gillingham  (Nf.),   138. 
Glassthorpe  (Np.),  137. 
Glastonbury  (Sm.),   73  f.-n. 
Glendon  (Np.),   137. 
Gloucester  (Gl.),  77  1,   137. 
Goldbanger  (Es.),   138. 
Goodrington  (Dv.),   138. 
Gosberton  (Li.),  54  n. 
Gothersley  (St.),   118. 
Goxhill  (Li.),   138. 
Grantcbester  (Cb.),  79  f. 
Gravenhurst  (Bd.),   137. 
Graylingwell  (Ss.),   139. 
Greetham  (Li.),   14. 
Groveley  (Wl.),   140. 


Guildford  (Sr.),   150. 
Guiltcross  Hundred  (Nf.),   138. 

Haddenham  (Bu.),   141. 
Haddenham  (Cb.),   141, 
Halnaker  (Ss.),   148. 
Hanchurch  (St.),  38. 
Hangleton  (Ss.)>   153. 
Harbledown  (Ke.),   146. 
Hardres  (Ke.),   136. 
Harrington  (Np.),  88. 
Hartlebury  (Wo.),   153. 
Hartleford  (GL),  65  n. 
Hasbury  (Wo.),   153. 
Haselbeech  (Np.),   153. 
Hatherton  (Ch.),  87. 
Hayling  (Ha.),   140. 
Headley  (Ha.),  87. 
Heapham   (Li.),   65  n. 
-heath,   85. 
Hellingly  (Ss.),   141. 
Helmsley  (Yo.),  147,  148,  151  f. 
Hemswell  (Li.),   147,   151. 
Hilderston  (St.),   145. 
Herriard  (Ha.),   121. 
Hildersham  (Cb.),   118. 
Hitcbin  (Ht.),  22. 
-hithe,  85. 
Hiz  River,  22,  31. 
Hockering  (Es.),   140. 
Hornsey  (Mi.),   118. 
Horstead  (Nf.),   150. 
Houghton  (Ha.),   150, 
Hundleby  (Li.),   153. 
-hurst,  72  n.,  78  f.-n.,  81. 
Hurstmonceaux  (Ss.),  12. 
Hurstpierpoint  (Ss.),   12. 
Huttoft  (Li.),   13. 
Hyde  Abbey  (Ha.),   12. 

Idridgehay  (Db.),   118. 
Ilchester  (Sm.),  65. 
Ingman thorp  (Yo.),   121. 
Ingoldsmells  (Li.),   121,   129. 
Instow  (Dv.),  6. 
Ipswich  (Sf.),  65. 
Isleworth  (Mi.),  6. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names 


165 


Itteringham  (Nl),   68,   70,   72  n. 

Jagdon  (Sh.),  58. 
Jarrow  (Du.),  57. 
Jedburgh  (Roxb.),  62. 
Jervaulx  (Yo.),  58,  62  f. 
Jesmond  (Nb.),  6,  57,  62,  82. 
Jevington  (Ss.),  58. 

Kelmarsh  (Np.),  38. 

Kemsing  (Ke.),  25,   100  f.-n. 

Kenilworth  (Wa.).   153. 

Kerne  (Ha.),   12. 

Kesteven  (Li.),  39. 

Keymer  (Ss.),   128. 

Keysoe  (Bd.),  151  f.-n. 

Kidderminster  (Wo.),   145. 

Kilmersdon  (Sm.),   133. 

Kimmerston  (Nb.),   133. 

Kintbury  (Be.),  74  f.-n. 

Kinvaston  (St.),   128. 

Knaith  (Li.),  35,  50,  88. 

Knapp  (Ha.),  50. 

Knapton  (Nl),  50. 

Knapwell  (Cb.),  49. 

Knaresborough  (Yo.),  50,   138. 

Knebworth  (Ht.),  50. 

Kneesal  (Nt.),  50, 

Kneesall  (Li.),  71. 

Kneeton  (Yo.),  50. 

Knepp  Castle  (Ss.),   12. 

Knettishall  (St.),   138. 

Knightley  (St.),  50. 

Knightsbridge  (London),   118. 

Knolle  (Co.),  68. 

Knolle  (Wa.),   138. 

Knock  (WTL),  50. 

Knottlngley  (Yo.),  50. 

Knowl-,  -knowl,  49,  50,   122,  129. 

Kno\\ston  (Do.),  49, 

Knutsford  (Ch.),  49. 

Knutton  (St.),   123,   129. 

Lantyan  (Co.),   122,   130. 
Lapford  (Dv.),  54. 
Lapworth  (Wa.),   54. 
Lashbrook  (Dv.),  158. 


Latchingdon  (Es.),   21. 
Launceston  (Co.),   153,   155. 
Launditch  Hundred  (Nf.),  22. 
Launton  (Ox.),   156  f.-n. 
Leatherhead  (Sr.),  87. 
Leeds  (Ke.),  54. 
Leicester  (Le.),  117, 
Leigh  (Gl.),   12. 
Lelant  (Co.),   122,   130. 
Lench  (Wo.),  26. 
Lenham  (Ke.),   135. 
Lessness  Abbey  (Ke.),  54  n. 
Levermere  (Sf.),   142. 
Lewknor  (Ox.),  122. 
Lifford  (Wo.),   12. 
Lincoln  (Li.),   14,   122,   130. 
Littlecote  (Bu.),   153. 
Lolworth  (Cb.),   16  n. 
London,   14,   143. 
Londonthorpe  (Li.),    144. 
Loversall  (Yo.),  66  n. 
Lutwyche  (Sh.),  38. 

Mablethorp  (Li.),   146. 

Maidenhead  (Be.),  87. 

Mailing  (Ke.),  54. n. 

Malmesbury  (WL),   150. 

Marsh  (Sh.),  78  f.-n. 

Matching  (Es.),   21. 

-mere,   13. 

Messing  (Es.),  21,  26. 

Messingham  (Li.),   100  f.-n. 

Methwold    Hithe  (Nf.),  see  Otring- 

hithe. 

Modbury  (Dv.),   128. 
Mold  (Flintshire),   127  f. 
Monkton  (Sm.),   123. 
Montacute  (Sm.),   11. 
-mouth,  82,  93  f. 
Muncaster  (Cu.),   133. 
Mundham  (Ss.),   141. 
Murston  (Ke.),   123. 

Nantallan  (Co.),   122. 
Nateley  (Ha.),   122. 
Neatishead  (Nf.),  54. 
Needham  (Sf.),  133. 


166 


R.  E.  Zachrisson 


Nesfield  (Yd.),  38, 

Nether  Avon  (WL),   117. 

Netherexe  (Dv.),  87. 

Netherfield  (Ss.),  87. 

Netley  (Ha.),   122. 

Newcastle  (Nb.),   11. 

Newland  (Wo.),  3. 

Nimet  or  Intake  (Dv.),   136. 

Nobury  (Wo.),   30. 

Norfolk,   150. 

Nottingham,  -shire,  51,  55. 

Nyland  or  Hand  (Do.),   122,   131, 

Oakley  (Es.),   133  f.-n. 
Offham  (Ss.),   150. 
Okeford  Shilling  (Do.),  55. 
Oldbury  upon  Severn  (GL),   146. 
Oldcastle  (Mo.),   11. 
Orsett  (Es.),  87,  95,  97. 
Osbaston  (Sh.),  54  n. 
Osbournby  (Li.),  54  n. 
Osmotherley  (Yo.),   151. 
Otringhithe  (Nf.),  68,  70,   72  n. 
Otterington  (Yo.),   72  n. 
Oxford  (Ox.),   JO,  47. 
Oxnead  (Nf.),  87. 

Palgrave  (Nf.),   148. 
Penshurst  (Ke.),  81. 
Pentridge  (Do.),   160. 
Penzance  (Co.),   154,   155. 
Pilsbury  (Db.),   71. 
Pleshy  (Es.),   13. 
Pockley  (Yo.),   151  f.-n. 
Pontefract  (Yo.),   11. 
Prittlewell  (Es.),   145,   153. 
Prittleworth  (Ha.),   153. 
Puddle,  Puddletown  (Do.),   142. 
Purbeck  (Do.),   27  f.-n. 
Putney  (London),  94. 

Rackenford  (Dv.),  136. 
Raveningham  (Nf.),   139. 
-red,  87,  97. 
Redland  (GL),  46. 
-reth,  85. 
Ribchester  (Yo.),  153. 


Richmond  (Sr.),   11. 
Rickmansworth  (Ht.),   145. 
Riding  (Yo.),  99. 
Rievaulx  (Yo.),  62  f.-n. 
Ringstead  (Nf.),   119. 
-rith,   85. 

Rolvenden  Hundred  (Ke.),   149. 
Roothing  or  Rpding  (Es.),  89,   98. 
Rotherfield  (Yo.),  87. 
Rotherhithe  (Sr.),   16  n. 
Rothley  (Le.,  Np.),  88. 
Rothwell  (Li.,  Np.),  88,  95. 
Routh  (Yo.),  88. 

Saddington  (Le.),   39. 

Salisbury  or  New  Sarum  (Wl.),  120, 

130. 

Sapey  Pritchard  (Wo.),   136. 
Saundby  (Nt.),   154,   156. 
Saunderton  (Bu.),   153,   155. 
Saunton  (Dv.),   154,  156. 
Sawbridge worth  (Ht),  7,   118. 
Sawley  (Yo.),  39. 
Sawtry  (Hu.),  86. 
Scaldwell  (Np.),  146,   148. 
Scampston  (Yo.),  67. 
Scarborough  (Yo.),  25,  55. 
Scrayingham  (Yo.),  55,   67. 
Scutterskelf  (Yo),  67. 
Seething  (Nf.),  88. 
Sempringham  (Li.),   139. 
Setchey  (Nf.),  86. 
Shalford  (Es.),  38. 
Shalford  (Sr.),  146. 
Shalstone  (Bu.),  38. 
Sharcott  (WL),   159  f.-n. 
Sharncott  (WL),   159. 
Sheering  (Es.),   157. 
Shefford  (Be.),  157. 
Shelford  (Cb.),   157. 
Shelsley  (Wo.),  38. 
Shelvestrode  (Ss.),  38. 
Shenfield  (Es.),  38. 
Shephall  (Ht.),  157. 
Sherringham  (Nf.),   139. 
Shilvington  (Do.),   148. 
Shimpling  (Sf.),  157. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names 


167 


Shipley  (Ss.),   157. 

Shittisbeer  (Dv.),    157. 

Shottery  (Wa.),  86. 

Shrawardine  (Sh.),   56,   120. 

Shrewsbury  (Sh.),  56  f.,   120. 

Shropham  (Nf.),  56. 

Shropshire    or    Salop,    56  f.,   120, 

130. 

Shustoke  (Wa.),   157. 
Siddington  (GL),   84. 
Sidmouth  (Dv.),   117. 
Silverley  (Cb.),   148. 
Sinnington  (Yo.;,   139. 
Sleaford  (Li.),   52. 
Sledmere  (Yo.),   13,   52. 
Slingeby  (Yo.),  52. 
Slipton  (Np.),   39. 
Smallridge  (Dv.),   148. 
Smithdou  (Nf.),  52,   115  n.,   118. 
Snarford  (Li.),  52. 
Sneiuton  (Nt.),  52. 
Snelson  (Ch.),  52. 
Snettisham  (Nf.),   52. 
Snoring  (Nf.),  52. 
Sodington  (Wo.),  84. 
South-,  83,  94. 
South  Ash  (Ke.),   38,  98. 
Speechwick  (Dv.),  55. 
Spelhoe    Hundred  (Np.),   128,   151 

f.-n. 

Spettisbury  (Do.\  67,  70. 
Spelsbury  (Ox.),  71. 
Sporle  (Nf.),  55. 
St.  Mary  Mounthaw  (London),  128 

f.-n. 

Stafford  (St.),  67. 
Stallenge  (Dv.),  26. 
Standish  (GL),   159  f.-n. 
Stanford  (Nf.),  121. 
Stanley  (Yo.),  67. 
Stapleford  (Le.),   153. 
Stapleton  (Yo.),   67. 
Staunton  (Gl.  etc.),   154  ff. 
Stepney  (Mi.),   86. 
Stevenage  (Ht.),   117. 
Stitchbrook  (St.),  67,  71. 
Stoke  (8m.),   12. 


Stoke  Mandeville  (Bu.),   12. 
Stotfold  (Bd.),   146. 
Stow  (Cb.),  55. 
Stowlangtoft  (Sf.),   13. 
Stragglethorpe  (Li.),  67,   145. 
Stramshall  (St.),   136. 
Stretton  (St.).  55. 
Stubbs  (Yo.),  55. 
Stubbs  Walden  (Yo.),  67. 
Sturminster  (Do.),  55. 
Sturston  (Nf.),  67. 
Stutsbury  (Np.),  67  f.-n. 
Suffolk,   150. 
Sulby  (Np.),  39. 
Sundridge  (Ke.),  160. 
Surrey,  88,  93. 
Swallowfield  (Be.),   121. 
Swavesey  (Cb.),  100  f.-n.,   117 
Sydenham  (Dv.),   141. 

Tabley  (Ch.),  68. 
Tachbrook  (Wa.),  38. 
Tame  River,  49. 
Tanfield  (Yo.),  43  n.,   123. 
TattershaU  (Li.),  47. 
Taunton  (Co.),   154,   155. 
Teaiby  (Li.),  40. 
Tenterden  (Ke.),   123. 
Terrington  (Yo.),  43. 
Testwood  (Ha.),   68,  70. 
Teversham  (Cb.),  47. 
Teynham  (Ke.),   135. 
Tbarne  River,  49. 
Thames  River,  49. 
Thanet  (Ke.),  48. 
Tharston  (Nf.),  68. 
Thatcham  (Be.),  42. 
Thaxted  (Es.),  42 
The  Down  (Ha.),   12. 
Theobald  Street  (Ht.),  42. 
Therfield  (Ht.),  42,  43  n. 
Thetford  (Li.),  42. 
Theydon  (Es.),  42. 
Thimbleby  (Li.),   42,  68. 
Thorn-,  -thorn,   39,  41,  42. 
Thorp-,  -thorp,  42,  43  n.,  44. 
Thrandeston  (Sf.),  44,  46. 


168 


R.  E.  Zachrissori 


Three  Houses  (Ht.),  42. 

Threo  or  Treo  (Nf.),  44. 

Throcking  (Ht.),  42. 

Throwley  (Ke.),   117. 

Thurgarton  (XL),  42. 

Thurlton  (Nf.),   145. 

Thurning  (Hu.),  42. 

Thurnscoe  (Yo.)  43  n. 

Tibaldstone  Hundred  (Gl.),  46  n. 

Tibberton  (Sh.,   Wo.),  47  n. 

Ticehurst  (Ss.),  31,  99. 

Tilshead  (WL),  46  n. 

Timberscumbe  (Sm.),   119. 

Tingrith  (Bd.),  39. 

Tisted  (Ha.),  31. 

Tocketts  (Yo.),  68. 

Tockwith  (Yo.),  91. 

Toddington  (Bd.),  43  n. 

Toft  (Cb.  etc.),  13,  47. 

Tollerton  (Nt),   119. 

Torksey  (Li.),  40. 

Torleton  or  Tarleton  (GL),  40. 

Tormerton  (GL),  39. 

Torpel  or  Thorpel  in  Ufford  (Np.),  40. 

Torridge  (Dv.),   27  f.-n. 

Torworth  (Nt.),  40. 

Tortworth  (GL),   136. 

Torweston  (Sm.),  40. 

Totham  (Es.),  68,  70. 

Totton  (Ha.),  43  n. 

Toxteth  (La.),  68,  70. 

Tring  (Ht.),  45,  98  f. 

Trusthorpe  (Li.),  45. 

Turnworth  (Do.),   39. 

Tusmore  (Ox.),  40. 

Tutbury  (St.),  67,  70,  71. 

Tyringham  (Bu.),   138. 

Tytherton  (WL),   139. 

Ugley  or  Oakley  (Es.),   133  f.-n. 
Up  Exe  (Dv.),   i50. 
Upleatham  (Yo.),   142. 
Urchfoht  (WL).  66  n. 
Ure  River,  62  f. 
Uttoxeter  (St.),  78  f. 

-ville,  94. 


Wakering  (Es.),   140. 
Walberton  (Ss.),   126  f.-n. 
Walkeringham  (Nt.),    146. 
Walsingham  (Nf.),   146. 
Waltham  (Es.),   146,   150. 
Waltham  (Ha.),   146. 
Warbleton  (Ss.),   126  f.-n. 
Wargrave  (Be.),.  120. 
Warrington  (La.),   139. 
Washford  (Dv.),  54  f.-n. 
Washford  (Sm.),   159. 
Washlingston  Hundred  (Ke.),   158. 
Wendy  (Cb.),   141. 
Werrington  (Np.),  88. 
West  Tofts  (Nf.),  68,  70. 
Westminster,   13. 
Wetherley  (Cb.),  87. 
Wheatenhurbt  (GL),  73. 
Whissonsett  (Nf.),  21,  26. 
Whitchurch  (Sh.),  3. 
Whitfield  (Np.),   119. 
Whitnage  (Dv.),   160. 
Whittlesea  (Cb.),  153. 
Whixley  (Yo.),   117. 
-wich,  22,  27. 
Wickmere  (Nf.),   12,  13. 
Wide-,  Widde-,  Wid-,  85,  97. 
Widecombe  (Dv.),  85,  98. 
Wiggenhall  (Nf.),   141. 
Wilbraham  (Cb.),   149. 
AVillitoft  (Yo.),   13. 
Willshampsted    or    Wilstead  (Bd.). 

135. 

Wilmotsham   (Sm.),   133. 
Wilsthorpe  (Yo.),   142. 
Wilting  (Ss.),   149. 
Wimersley  Hundred  (Np.),   119. 
Winch  (Nf.),  26. 
Wing  (Bu.),  89. 
Wingrave  (Bu.),  89. 
Winthorp  (Li.),   41. 
Wistow  (Le.),  72  n. 
Wishford  (WL),   159. 
Witchingham  (Nf.),  21. 
Witham  (Es.,  Li.),  88. 
Withy-,  Withing-,  84. 
Wiveliscombe  (Sm.),   12. 


Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English  place-names 


169 


Worcester,  78. 
Worston  (St.),   145. 
Wragby  (Li.),  51. 
Wragholm  (Li.),  51. 
Wramplingham  (Nf.),   51. 
Wrangle  (Li.),  51. 
Wrawby  (Li.),   51. 
Wraxall  (Sm.j,   51. 
Wraxhall  (WL),  51. 
Wrenbury  (Cb.j,   51. 
Wretham  (Nf.),   51. 
Wrington  (Sm.),  51. 
Wroxall  (Ha.),   51. 
Wroxeter  (Sh.),   18,  51,   73. 
Wyboston  (Bd.),   146. 
Wyke  Regis  (Do.),  3.- 
Wymondley  (Ht),   149,   151, 
Wysall  (Nt.),   151. 
Wytham  (Be.),   141. 
Wyville  (Li.),  85,  94. 

Yafforth  (Yo.),  58. 
Yalding  (Ke.),   65  n. 
Yapham  (Yo.),  58. 
Yarborough  (Li.),  58. 


Yard  (Dv.),   12. 

Yardley  (Es.),  61. 

Yare  River,  58. 

Yarm  (Yo.),  58. 

Yarmouth  (Nf.,  Sf.),  58,  60,  62. 

Yatesbury  (WL),  65. 

Yatton  (WL),  65. 

Yawthorp  (Li.),  58. 

Yaxham  (Nf.),  58,  66  n. 

Yaxley  (Hu.),  58,   117. 

Yaxley  (Sf.),  58. 

Yearsley  (Yo.),  66  n. 

Yeddingham  (Yo.),  66  n. 

Yelden  (Bd.).   61. 

Yeldham  (Es.),  61. 

Yelling  (Hu.),  62. 

Yelvertoft  (Np.),   61   f.-n. 

Yeo  River,  66  n. 

Yetminster  (Do.),  65. 

Yockleton  (Sh.),  58. 

Yokefleet  (Yo.),  58. 

Yordale  (Yo.),  62. 

York,   12,   27,   63  f. 

Youlton  (Yo.),  58. 

Yoxford  (Sf.),  58. 


French  place-names  and  river-names. 


Anguerny,   152  f.-n. 
Anisy,   152  f.-n. 
Aubigny,   152  f.-n. 
Avroult,  48. 
Bellebrune,   126  f.-n. 
Bellengreville,   140. 
Bicetre,   25  f.-n. 
Canapville,   50. 
Cernay,   31  f.-n.,   159  f.-n. 
Damblainville,   12. 
Eaulne  River,   149. 
Emalleville.  53  f.-n. 
^pernay,   70. 
fipreville,  56,  70. 
Estorsel,  56,  70. 


Etrechy,   70. 
Etreville,   56. 
Eure  River,   63  n. 
Fralignea,   140. 
Fresne  -la-  Mere,    13  f.-n. 
Roquedur,   135  n. 
Langrune,   126  f.-n. 
Mombray,   128  f.-n. 
Montamy,   12. 
Netreville,  53  f.-n.,  56. 
Orleans,   152. 
Pont-Bellenger,   140. 
Tierceville,  48. 
Tilly,  48. 
Tosny,  48,  115. 


243    10 


DA 
645 
.Z3 
IMS 


Zachrisson,  R.  E.    (Robert  Eugen), 
1880- 

A  contribution  to  the  study  of 
Anglo-Norman  influence  on  English 
place-names.  — 


PONTIFICAL    INSTITUTE 
OE    MEDIAEVAL    STUDIES 

59   QUEEN'S    PARK 
TORONTO   5,   CANADA 


t  I      | 

luiHl    II     fl 


.    i  ; 

it! 


I  j